Objective: To evaluate associations between anxiety and severe impairment of quality of life (QoL) in Latin American postmenopausal women. Methods: This was a secondary analysis of a multicenter cross-sectional study among postmenopausal women aged 40 to 59 from 11 Latin American countries. We evaluated anxiety (The Goldberg Depression and Anxiety Scale), and QoL (Menopause Rating Scale [MRS]), and included sociodemographic, clinical, lifestyle, and anthropometric variables in the analysis. Poisson family generalized linear models with robust standard errors were used to estimate prevalence ratios (PRs) and 95% CIs. There were two adjusted models: a statistical model that included variables associated with the outcomes in bivariate analyses, and an epidemiologic model that included potentially confounding variables from literature review. Results: Data from 3,503 women were included; 61.9% had anxiety (Goldberg). Severe QoL impairment (total MRS score >=17) was present in 13.7% of women, as well as severe symptoms (MRS subscales): urogenital (25.5%), psychological (18.5%), and somatic (4.5%). Anxiety was independently associated with severe QoL impairment and severe symptoms in the epidemiological (MRS total score: PR 3.6, 95% CI, 2.6-5.0; somatic: 5.1, 95% CI, 2.6-10.1; psychological: 2.8, 95% CI, 2.2-3.6; and urogenital: 1.4, 95% CI, 1.2-1.6) and the statistical model (MRS total score: PR 3.5, 95% CI, 2.6-4.9; somatic: 5.0, 95% CI, 2.5-9.9; psychological: 2.9, 95% CI, 2.2-3.7; and urogenital: 1.4; 95% CI, 1.2-1.6). Conclusions: In this postmenopausal Latin American sample, anxiety was independently associated with severe QoL impairment. Hence, screening for anxiety in this population is important.

Background Latin America is undergoing a human resource crisis in health care in terms of labor shortage, misdistribution and poor orientation to primary care. Workforce data are needed to inform the planning of long-term strategies to address this problem. This study aimed to evaluate the academic and motivational profile, as well as the professional expectations, of Latin American medical students. Results We conducted an observational, cross-sectional, multi-country study evaluating medical students from 11 Spanish-speaking countries in 2011–2012. Motivations to study medicine, migration intentions, intent to enter postgraduate programs, and perceptions regarding primary care were evaluated via a self-administered questionnaire. Outcomes were measured with pilot-tested questions and previously validated scales. A total of 11,072 valid surveys from 63 medical schools were gathered and analyzed. Conclusions This study describes the profile and expectations of the future workforce being trained in Latin America. The obtained information will be useful for governments and universities in planning strategies to improve their current state of affairs regarding human resources for health care professions.

Magister Legum - LLM / The end of Apartheid and the transition to a new constitutional democracy in South Africa was ushered in by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). The purpose of the TRC was to promote a dialogue between victims and perpetrators of gross human rights violations to try and achieve reconciliation in the country. To this end, the TRC was given the power to grant conditional amnesty to those who came forward to reveal the full truth to the country about the crimes that they had committed. Those who refused to apply for amnesty or who did apply but were denied amnesty were supposed to be prosecuted. A number of years have passed since the final TRC report was submitted and hardly any prosecutions have taken place. This paper argues, by comparing the transitions in Argentina and Chile to the one in South Africa, that the lack of post-Truth Commission prosecutions in South Africa has contributed to nurturing a culture of impunity for acts of corruption in high offices of state. It argues that in countries transitioning from repressive and authoritarian regimes to democratic governments, prosecutions of gross human rights violations are necessary for the creation and strengthening of the rule of law and a human rights culture. Therefore, the impunity for economic crimes such as corruption is detrimental to democracy.

Beginning in the late 1970s, with the onset of the third wave of democratization, a host of new conservative parties emerged in Latin America. The trajectories of these parties varied tremendously. While some went on to enjoy long-term electoral success, others failed to take root. The most successful new conservative parties all shared a surprising characteristic: they had deep roots in former dictatorships. They were "authoritarian successor parties," or parties founded by high-level incumbents of authoritarian regimes that continue to operate after a transition to democracy. What explains variation in conservative party-building outcomes in Latin America since the onset of the third wave, and why were the most successful new conservative parties also authoritarian successor parties? This study answers these questions by developing a theory of "authoritarian inheritance." It argues that, paradoxically, close links to former dictatorships may, under some circumstances, be the key to party-building success. This is because authoritarian successor parties sometimes inherit resources from the old regime that are useful under democracy. The study examines five potential resources: party brand, territorial organization, clientelistic networks, business connections and a source of cohesion rooted in a history of joint struggle. New conservative parties that lack such inheritance face a more daunting task. Such parties may have better democratic credentials, but they are likely to have worse democratic prospects. This argument is developed through an analysis of four parties: Chile's Independent Democratic Union (UDI), Argentina's Union of the Democratic Center (UCEDE), El Salvador's Nationalist Republican Alliance (ARENA) and Guatemala's Party of National Advancement (PAN). Drawing on interview and archival data gathered during 15 months of fieldwork in five countries, this study contributes to three literatures. First, as the first book-length comparison of conservative parties in Latin America, it contributes to the literature on Latin American politics. Second, by developing a new theory of how successful new parties may emerge--the theory of authoritarian inheritance--it contributes to the literature on party-building. Third, by developing the concept of authoritarian successor parties, it sheds light on a common but underappreciated vestige of authoritarian rule and, in this way, contributes to the literature on regimes. / Government

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It is clear that unmarried cohabitation is increasing in Chile. It is less clear what unmarried cohabitation is and why is it rising. In Latin America cohabitation is common among low income groups, and has been described as a surrogate marriage for the disadvantaged. Cohabitation in the region entails conventional gender roles and having children. It has been explained by colonial dominance, poverty, kinship, and machismo. The evidence amassed here indicates that although in practice cohabitation is similar to marriage, they are not the same. In fact, cohabitation has decreased social visibility. Cohabitation does not entail any social ceremony or rite. As it is not institutionalised it remains concealed from both social recognition and social scrutiny. Thus it tolerates partners who are dissimilar, or can be sustained despite a higher level of difficulties in a relationship. The findings validate previous research as cohabitation is sparked by pregnancy, parental tolerance - mainly through not enforcing marriage -, a close mother-son bond –which inhibits marriage-, and the material costs of marriage. The research follows a life course perspective. It is based on twenty four qualitative life histories of urban deprived young people, women and men, involved in a consensual union and with children. In Chile from the 1990s onwards cohabitation started to show a sharp increase. Prevalent views explain rising cohabitation as an outcome of processes of individualization, democratization of relationships, and female emancipation. This research suggests that rising cohabitation, among young people from low income groups in Chile, is linked to enhanced autonomy (i.e. declining patriarchy), and to social benefits targeted to single mothers. Young people are gaining autonomy as union formation is increasingly an outcome of romantic love and not of being forced into marriage. Furthermore cohabitation rose right at the end of Pinochet’s dictatorship, at a time of enhanced freedom and autonomy. By contrast, rising cohabitation does not seem to be related to female emancipation. Interviewees themselves reproduce conventional gender roles, and social policies targeted to the single mother are based on conventional views on womanhood.

Brazil’s healthcare system currently offers a wide range of contraception options and emergency contraception (EC) has been among them since the late 1990s. Abortion, however, is severely legally restricted and high rates of both teenage pregnancy and unsafe abortion plague the country. Given this context, levonorgestrel emergency contraceptive pills (ECPs) could play a significant role women’s health and lives. This research aimed to examine the journey of this medication in Brazilian society and assess its availability in three cities located in different regions of the country. To address these research objectives, I performed a textual and discourse analysis of written materials as well as a mystery client study. Despite the wide availability of ECPs in retail pharmacies, I found that religious beliefs and conservative values still hinder accessibility. The results suggest that awareness raising campaigns are needed and long overdue. However, there is also a need to employ novel strategies for improving access and engaging healthcare professionals. Further research and advocacy related to women’s reproductive health and rights in general, and EC in particular, appears warranted.

The Latin American market for forest products is evaluated with emphasis on the economic, social, and political aspects influencing demand and trade. Canada's political, cultural and commercial relationships with Latin America are investigated and it is concluded that, currently, among the most important factors restricting a possible increase in trade with the area are: Canadian detachment from the Inter-American System and political isolation; reduced commerce with all countries south of the United States; trade patterns imposed by economic growth and by bilateral cooperation; and economic integration among the countries of the region. Trends indicate that as Latin America increases its financial wealth and income is distributed along more equitable lines, demand for industrial forest products will rise considerably. Estimates of demand for 1965, 1975 and 1985 are given. Emphasis is placed in distinguishing between six types of forest products: sawnwood; plywood and veneer; particle board; and wood pulp and paper. Identical treatment is given to the presentation of future estimates of production and net regional deficits. Net deficits in forest products are anticipated to be, by 1975, 50 thousand m³ of plywood and veneer; 150 thousand m³ of particle board; 400 thousand m³ of fibre board; 192 thousand tons of pulp; and 1.279 million tons of newsprint. The sawnwood sector is expected to supply all domestic demand and hopefully export to other regions of the world. Future import requirements are evaluated under the assumption that all regional producers will sell their production in Latin America, therefore, the trade deficits forecast are minimal. If, however, any producing country sells forest products outside the area, net deficits are expected to increase. Because Chile is the only net exporter of industrial forest products in Latin America, its future capacity for production is evaluated. Considerable, and in some cases total, competition to Canadian forest products in Latin America should be expected from Chilean exports. The Latin American Free Trade Association agreements are the key to the marketing success of such exports. The competitive characteristics of Canadian forest products are appraised and compared to those of other important suppliers to Latin America. Provided that the present trends in production and transportation costs remain unchanged, Canada should find no great difficulty in competing with the United States, the Baltic countries, or the Soviet Union in Latin America. Canada's position relative to Chile is also stressed and special references to the Central American common Market and Latin America Free Trade Association tariff regimes are made. It is concluded that there are excellent opportunities for Canada to increase its trade in forest products with the Latin American countries, particularly with respect to newsprint and other pulp and paper products. In order to realize this potential, however, it would be necessary for the Canadian forest industries to develop a more aggressive sales strategy in the region. / Forestry, Faculty of / Graduate

This thesis examines the case of Mexico as middle power. More precisely, it tries to see what were the limitations and possibilities that Mexico faced in the period 2000-2012, while trying to engage more in the international system and rise its international profile. The PAN governments that were in power at that time devoted much of their energy trying to better international position of Mexico, and implicitly the thesis will answer the question of how successful were their strategies.