Denna uppsats kommer försöka svara på frågan: “Hur kommer det sig att produktivkrafterna har en tendens att utvecklas genom historien?”, via en granskning och utarbetning av G. A. Cohens historiematerialism. Den kommer bemöta de problem som medföljer Cohens teori och dessutom framföra en lösning som till stor del är hämtad från teorier ur den autonoma marxismen. Det argument som bör ses som en grund för hela uppsatsen säger att produktivkrafternas historiska utveckling sker som en följd av människans intresse av att ha makt över sin egen aktivitet. Argumentet kommer både att försvaras och utarbetas för att visa hur det är relevant som förklaring till en av historiematerialismens mest grundläggande antaganden.

This thesis is an investigation into the integration of east German women into the Federal Republic following German unification. It draws on oral history interviews to examine the existence of a distinctive identity amongst east German women and concludes that their opinions and values reflect the Marxist Feminist principles upheld in the GDR, with particular reference to the belief in the importance of paid employment for the emancipation of women. The thesis also investigates the nature of dissatisfaction with the Federal Republic amongst east German women and concludes that a lack of fulfilment of expectations arising from socialisation in the GDR has led to a level of dissatisfaction amongst east German women which could act as a stimulus for political mobilisation. Finally, the thesis investigates the links between dissatisfaction and political activity amongst east German women and concludes that they display both political will and ability despite disempowerment in the GDR but also that there are signs of characteristics specific to east German women relating to disillusion and withdrawal. It also notes, however, that east German women have recorded signficant achievements in retaining more typically 'east German biographies' and that their individual resistance to change may prove to be their most powerful political weapon.

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<p>Denna studie behandlar konflikten mellan radikalfeminism och marxism i Sverige på 1970-talet. Syftet är att visa hur denna ideologiska konflikt yttrade sig i praktiken när de båda kvinnoorganisationerna Grupp 8 och Arbetets Kvinnor debatterade om sexualitet, abort samt moderskap och barnuppfostran. Materialet som använts i studien är dessa båda organisationers egna tidskrifter. Studien visar hur Grupp 8: s och Arbetets Kvinnors skilda åsikter gällande de ovan nämnda frågorna var beroende av deras ideologiska tillhörighet.</p>

Denna studie behandlar konflikten mellan radikalfeminism och marxism i Sverige på 1970-talet. Syftet är att visa hur denna ideologiska konflikt yttrade sig i praktiken när de båda kvinnoorganisationerna Grupp 8 och Arbetets Kvinnor debatterade om sexualitet, abort samt moderskap och barnuppfostran. Materialet som använts i studien är dessa båda organisationers egna tidskrifter. Studien visar hur Grupp 8: s och Arbetets Kvinnors skilda åsikter gällande de ovan nämnda frågorna var beroende av deras ideologiska tillhörighet.

The life expectancy of political organisations who claim to stand in the Marxist tradition is often short. Differences over aspects of theory, sometimes masking clashes of personality, ensure that there is a continual flow of splits and sects whose theoretical deliniations are slight enough to confuse the most avid observers. When a Marxist organisation endures for nearly a century with its objective, principles and overall perspective intact, its very uniqueness should be enough to command attention. When it can endure with a set of principles and a revolutionary outlook that sets it apart from the great bulk of those.using the epithet 'Marxist', then this is doubly so. The Socialist Party of Great Britain (SPGB) is just such an organisation. Founded in 1904, it is the oldest existing Marxist organisation in Britain, and one of the oldest in the World. Its uniqueness of outlook is largely a product of its adherence to what could be described as 'classical Marxism' and it is one of the few Marxist parties still surviving which refuses (now as in the past) to support the basic tenets of Leninism in any shape or form. If these facts alone are enough to make this political party an object of interest, it has not been reflected in the literature, or rather the lack of it, dealing with the SPGB. It is fair to say that it has suffered the fate of being relegated to the status of an historical footnote in many academic works, rarely receiving the degree of serious study that it merits. Part of the object of this thesis is to correct this imbalance, bearing in mind that while the SPGB has survived the post-war era intact, many of the Organisations which have derided it as an irrelevant sect or a 'Marxist club' have floundered or perished - the Communist Party and the Independent Labour Party being notable examples. The focus of this thesis is the specific contributions that the SPGB has made to the development of Marxian thought, in both political philosophy and economy theory. Basing itself on Marx's labour theory of value and his theory of social development, the SPGB has, by responding to world events, applied Marxian theory in a particularly distinctive manner. This thesis does not deal exhaustively with the contributions of the SPGB, but focuses on eight specific areas in which the Party has shown a willingness to apply Marxian theory in such a way that it has clearly distinguished itself from other 'Marxist' or 'left-wing' political organisations. These range from its claim at its found'ation to have resolved the 'reform or revolution' dilemma, through to its recent response to the ascendant free-marketeers who claimed that socialist planning, as advocated by Marx and Engels, was a practical impossibility. Other chapters examine in detail the SPGB' s views on war, democracy ~ Russia, economic crises, inflation and the welfare state, providing a systematic account of the SPGB's political and economic positions hitherto unavailable outside of the Party's own publications.

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No description available.

This thesis is essentially about the theory of the transition to socialism and aims at comprehending the Soviet experience of attempting to re-mould the relations of production and the forces of production mainly at the level of Soviet labour processes. The main finding is that the Soviet Union was rich in debate in the 20s but short in actually pioneering new labour processes in the years of construction and accelerated industrialization. As a by-product of this larger project, the thesis has begun to demarcate the division of labour from technology by constructing models on the basis of their shared characteristics of efficiency, output, cost, control and welfare. It is argued- that an attempt to 'abolish' the fragmentation of tasks arising from the technical . division of labour would require a redirection of the physical organization of technology itself. The thesis emphasizes the importance not only the re-arranging of macro-societal-level social relations but also micro production unit level changes. The socialist project ought to include simultaneous interventions at the micro and macro levels of reality. It is suggested that despotic control at both the society and production-unit levels would hardly expand the emancipatory possibilities for labour. Nor democratization at one or the other level alone whilst keeping despotic control will do. Only simultaneous democratizations at the enterprise and society levels will make the socialist development attractive. The thesis concludes by stressing the need to reinstate democracy in relation to the organization of the labour process pointing out the responsibility of the Gorbachov leadership in relation to the democratization of Soviet society and enterprises.

No description available.