This thesis examines the case of Mexico as middle power. More precisely, it tries to see what were the limitations and possibilities that Mexico faced in the period 2000-2012, while trying to engage more in the international system and rise its international profile. The PAN governments that were in power at that time devoted much of their energy trying to better international position of Mexico, and implicitly the thesis will answer the question of how successful were their strategies.

The analysis of the German foreign policy multilateralism and its transformation showed that each examined period evinces clear tendencies which meet three concepts of multilateralism outlined in the theoretical beginning of the thesis. Regardless of some fundamental changes in understanding of multilateralism and its new dimensions, it is not possible to speak about development towards any hegemonic or unilateral policy. What could have been seen in the last analyzed period, was an apparent preference for pragmatic and short-term foreign and security policy. During the nineties, Germany hesitantly normalized its international role by breaking some of the taboos typical of the past decades. Foreign and security policy, however, was still based on pacifist identity and values, which have been replicated for years. This tendency corresponds with the reflexivist approach to multilateralism. Following period witnessed the emancipation of Germany and its interests. The government was neither afraid to decline participation in the operation, which did not have UN approval, nor to end up in isolation. The relationship with the United States cooled down and Gerhard Schröder stressed instead the bilateral alliance with France. European integration was no longer an obligation, but rather became a voluntary...

Can a multilateral negotiating process—that is, cooperation between many states in a single forum—successfully reform the network of bilateral tax treaties that currently makes up the bulk of international tax law? The BEPS Project aims to be the first major push for a multilateral tax process since the creation of the OECD’s Model Tax Convention in the 1960s. Through BEPS, the OECD and 130-plus countries are in final negotiations to implement Pillar One and Two, which will: (1) create a new taxing right for “market jurisdiction” countries on the profit of international companies that do business there without a physical presence; and (2) implement a top-up tax levied against companies that offshore profits from intangible assets in low-tax jurisdictions. To predict whether the multilateral reform effort will be successful, it is important to examine the nature of the multilateral negotiating process itself, because every negotiation is shaped by its context.  But this context is not static—rather, the nature of tax multilateralism varies depending on certain global conditions. Sometimes, it is a hierarchical process, dominated by powerful countries operating in a closed-club of developed states spearheading the effort, while weaker countries must tag along and accept the eventual outcome. Alternatively, multilateralism may be egalitarian and inclusive, with many countries—strong and weak alike—contributing to the debate, accepting tradeoffs, and endorsing the outcome. In this thesis, I demonstrate that the nature of tax multilateralism has changed from the former model to the latter by comparing the negotiation of the OECD Model Tax Conventions with the Pillars Negotiation. I begin by identifying several factors that influence the nature of tax multilateralism: first, the distribution of global power among states; and second, the level of integration of the global economy. In an international system where power is concentrated in a few states, and the international economy is fragmented (i.e., the conditions of the 20th Century), multilateralism tends to be hierarchical and exclusive. However, when power is diffused and the global economy is integrated, (the conditions of the 21st Century), then multilateralism is egalitarian and inclusive. In such a context, international tax issues—like base erosion and profit-shifting—are so vast and complex that no state, acting alone or in a small group, could deal with them. The thesis thus concludes that the nature of tax multilateralism has changed, because in modern negotiations, powerful states are both less capable of dominating other states in the negotiating process and are highly dependent on a successful outcome that creates global consensus.

Dans le système financier et commercial actuel, l'OMC est au cœur des débats, sa politique libérale divisant tant les universitaires que les praticiens sur les formes de gouvernance économique mondiale. Très ouverte à la participation de divers acteurs du commerce mondial, l'OMC a en effet vu la percée lente mais assurée des ONG lors des négociations. Dans le même temps, les intégrations économiques régionales se sont multipliées et leur participation aux négociations de l'OMC s'est accrue, ce qui a conduit à augmenter les interrogations sur les formes de gouvernance étatique économique mondiale. Au sein de l'Organisation, il est un type de regroupement étatique qui a un rôle de plus en plus important, mais dont l'étude reste quasi inexistante : les Groupes d’États, qui reposent sur le respect et la défense de relations équitables. or, l'équité est affichée comme un des objectifs de l'OMC. L'approche constructiviste et de politique juridique permettront d'analyser les modalités et conséquences de l'interaction entre les Groupes et l'Organisation. Cette analyse mettra alors en lumière le degré de contribution des groupes au droit de l'OMC et, dans une plus large mesure, dessinera uen nouvelle acception de l'équité et des formes de gouvernance économique mondiale. / The WTO, which is one of the most criticized international organizations in the world, is currently the focus of debates because of its liberalisms policies. As academics as lawyers wonder how the WTO philosophy can be linked to different forms of international economic governance. Indeed, the number of NGO has grown in the WTO negotiations. In the same time, the number of Regional Economic Integration and their participation to the WTO negotiations increased. As a consequence, interrogations concerning international economic governance rose. At the WTO, a kind of coalitions is particularly remarkable but rarely studied in law: State Coalitions, which are based on the respect and defence of Equity. Similarly, one of the goals of the WTO is to establish Equity in international economic relations. Thanks to constructivism, this thesis highlights the interaction between State coalitions and the WTO. The focus is to point up how important is the contribution of State coalitions to WTO law. As a consequence, this thesis will draw a new meaning of Equity and international economic governance.

Master of Arts - International Relations / The events of September 11 (9/11) have proved to be the catalyst for the evolution of ‘traditional’ terrorism methodologies into those of a transnational dimension. As a consequence, 9/11 has reshaped the international security community’s perceptions regarding the transnational threat of terrorism. Security analysts have called for a ‘networked’ response as the most effective strategy of defence against global terrorist networks. Hence, efforts to contain the threat of transnational terrorism will be more effective if implemented in conjunction with policies and mechanisms designed to facilitate international counter-terrorism co-operation. Therefore, taking into account the ‘perceived’ intelligence failure of 9/11, intelligence and anti-terrorism law enforcement agencies of governments committed to the ‘war against terrorism’ will need to integrate their intelligence capabilities and establish operational co-ordination on a multilateral level as an effective counter-terrorism mechanism. This research will focus on the multilateral intelligence sharing and counter-terrorism co-ordination mechanisms implemented post-9/11 by governments and International Organisations, such as the UN’s Counter Terrorism Committee and NATO’s invoking of Article 5, to contain and confront transnational terrorism. It is not within the scope of this study to analyse the reasons and ideologies behind 9/11 and modern-day terrorism.

No description available.

This dissertation is an argumentation analysis of UNESCO’s use of argumentation theory to encourage a U.S. return to membership in 2003. The U.S. left UNESCO in 1985 under complaint that it had become politicized and was fraught with budgetary mismanagement. It is an attempt to bridge international communication scholarship and international relations scholarship on an organization that is positioned to have great influence in the international community.

Though often overlooked, unilateralism as a foreign policy approach deserves to be studied, even in the case of Canada, a country that has developed a reputation as a staunch defender of its opposite, multilateralism. This thesis studies does precisely that, and is prompted, by a proposition recently put forward by Allan Gotlieb, the former Canadian Ambassador to the United States, that, when other methods have proven ineffective, unilateralism has been a very real option for Canada. The thesis explores the validity of Gotliebs claim by examining three cases cited by Gotlieb as examples of a unilateral approach taken by Canada: the Arctic Waters Pollution Prevention Act in 1970, its declaration of straight baselines around the Arctic Archipelago in 1985, and the so-called Turbot War launched by enforcement of amendments to the Coastal Fisheries Protection Act in 1995. Were these in fact cases of determined unilateralism, prompted as Gotlieb argues, by a basic need to defend the most basic of Canadas core interests, its territorial sovereignty? <p>Further investigation of the cases cited by Gotlieb reveals that he is correct in one sense but not in another. In all of the cases Canada undeniably acted unilaterally. But Gotliebs analysis misses the larger reality that the three initiatives were pursued within a framework of multilateralism. Canada acted unilaterally not simply for the purpose of protecting Canadas territorial integrity, but in the hopes of reinvigorating a multilateral process.

This thesis aims to analyse the change and continuity issue in German Foreign Policy. In this study, the basic aim is to identify the basic parameters of the West German foreign policy during the Cold War and identify the implications of the reunification on foreign policy of Germany. Actually, after the reunification, the economically giant Germany has started to pursue a more self-reliant foreign policy course but there is not a radical shift from the basic parameters and the core values. The concept of &amp / #8216 / civilian power&amp / #8217 / and the international climate within which the foreign policy is formulated, will be given priority. It is argued that from the Gulf War in 1990-1991 to the Kosovo War of 1999, German contribution to military operations has increased. However, Germany has done this within a multilateral context and the aim has been to keep the values of respect for democracy and human rights. Thus, continuity dominates over change in German foreign policy, with regard to its policy record during the 1990s.

Though often overlooked, unilateralism as a foreign policy approach deserves to be studied, even in the case of Canada, a country that has developed a reputation as a staunch defender of its opposite, multilateralism. This thesis studies does precisely that, and is prompted, by a proposition recently put forward by Allan Gotlieb, the former Canadian Ambassador to the United States, that, when other methods have proven ineffective, unilateralism has been a very real option for Canada. The thesis explores the validity of Gotliebs claim by examining three cases cited by Gotlieb as examples of a unilateral approach taken by Canada: the Arctic Waters Pollution Prevention Act in 1970, its declaration of straight baselines around the Arctic Archipelago in 1985, and the so-called Turbot War launched by enforcement of amendments to the Coastal Fisheries Protection Act in 1995. Were these in fact cases of determined unilateralism, prompted as Gotlieb argues, by a basic need to defend the most basic of Canadas core interests, its territorial sovereignty? <p>Further investigation of the cases cited by Gotlieb reveals that he is correct in one sense but not in another. In all of the cases Canada undeniably acted unilaterally. But Gotliebs analysis misses the larger reality that the three initiatives were pursued within a framework of multilateralism. Canada acted unilaterally not simply for the purpose of protecting Canadas territorial integrity, but in the hopes of reinvigorating a multilateral process.