No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

This dissertation argues that friendship can enliven the revolutionary humanist politics of twentieth century anticolonial movements. Twenty-first century nationalism, including that of former colonies, extends the violence of empire and breaks from the visions of anticolonial revolutionaries, such as Frantz Fanon, who sought to overthrow imperial domination by also progressing beyond the nation-state. Through a study of friendships that emerge in the context of anticolonial struggle and form across racial, class, caste, national, gendered, and religious differences, I argue that friendship is crucial to the development of a politics rooted in the wellbeing of the global collective and oppositional to both colonialism and nationalism. The main focus of this project is South Asia. Taking the fortification of Hindu nationalism in postcolonial India as a departure point, I read a set of literary texts situated in the South Asian anticolonial context that depict friendships formed across racial, class, caste, national, gendered, and religious difference. I demonstrate how many of these friendships contest strict divisions between self and Other and the colonial, class, and nationalist structures that keep these divisions intact. I organize each chapter according to three spaces that recur in South Asian literature as crucial to the creation and mobilization of friendship across difference: the ship, the home, and the ashram. Moving between these three spaces, I argue that in the emotional bonds of friendship, we can trace the emergence of a collective politics—one that refuses the divisions of self and Other central to the projects of empire and the basis upon which contemporary nationalisms thrive. / Thesis / Candidate in Philosophy / This project explores the anti-nationalist possibilities of friendship. Anticolonial revolutionaries of the twentieth century, such as Frantz Fanon, envisioned a humanist politics that refused the violence of both empire and the nation-state. Such a politics, rooted in the wellbeing of the global collective, has been lost in the proliferation of nationalisms in both former empires and colonies; however, I argue that the study of friendship can help enliven these collective politics. This project focuses on the political possibilities of friendships formed in the specific context of South Asian Independence movements. I read a set of South Asian literary texts that depict friendships established across racial, class, caste, religious, gendered, and national difference. Tracing these friendships as they take shape on the ship, in the home, and in the ashram, I ask: how might these depictions of friendships help reinvigorate a revolutionary, anticolonial politics that seeks to progress beyond the violence of the nation-state?

<p> The thesis is a critical examination of the social and cultural factors operative in the ecumenical movement of Canadian Presbyterianism that led to the formation of the United Church of Canada in 1925. Canadian ecumenicity is examined in the light of contemporary international research in the sociology of ecumenism. The thesis employs both historical materials and statistical records to discover the salient variables influencing support and opposition to church union.</p> <p> It is the central contention of the thesis that support and opposition to church union were motivated by a complex of variables relating to regionalism, nationalism and the social gospel movement. The issues that divided the Presbyterian Church in the ecumenical controversy were the same issues that divided English speaking Canada. It is our contention that the creation of a national united church was seen as a vehicle for the systematic redemption of Canadian society, that it was an attempt to dramatically reform and redefine confederation. It is our final contention that the vision of a new society or the hope of attaining a comparable ideal is an essential component for the accomplishment of an extensive inter-denominational church merger in an industrialized nation.</p> / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

No description available.

Little scholarship exists about the extent of musical nationalism in the works of twentieth-century Italian composer Alfredo Casella (1883-1947). Casella’s output, which is divided into three stylistic periods – 1902-1913, 1914-1920, and 1921-1946 – display varying styles and influences, such as an extension of French, German, and Russian romanticism and Schoenbergian atonality. Yet nationalistic expression simultaneously pervades each stylistic period: The first period portrays nationalism through the use of folk material and forms, as does the second, which also uses programmatic elements in an atonal context. The third stylistic period, to which previous scholars have given the most attention, expresses nationalism by alluding to past Italian Baroque and Classical composers and forms. This thesis explores how Casella’s nationalistic tendencies pervade all three stylistic periods and evolved over the course of his career, culminating in his third stylistic period. A close reading of Casella’s own writings – which will explore how his ideologies reflected the political and cultural views in Italy at the time – and score analysis of representative works from each period will reveal in Casella’s works “a music unquestionably Italian in idiom" (Alfredo Casella, 21+26, 41).

This dissertation is an attempt to pose a challenge to the reified image of Kurdishness and Kurdayeti (awakening Kurdish nationalism), from an ethnographical perspective. The focus group is the comparatively understudied Kurmanji-speaking Kurds of Urmia county in Iran, both in rural and urban contexts. The questions is why do the Kurds of this study, in particular, and Kurds all over the Middle East, in general, have a high potential for mobilization during politically charged moments? / 博士(グローバル社会研究) / Doctor of Philosophy in Global Society Studies / 同志社大学 / Doshisha University

This dissertation, “The Value of Dust: Memory and Identity at Italy’s Margins,” is a transnational cultural history that studies the role cultural institutions in Italy’s borderlands play in defining, defending and memorializing a conception of Italian identity (italianità) at the margins of the Italian State, from the turn of the twentieth century to the contemporary period. This study examines the relationship between literature, language, Italian identity, marginality, and memory in the Italian community of Istria and its exile community in Trieste. By drawing on archival and ethnographic data, as well as textual analysis, it traces the cultural production of Italian organizations and intellectuals in Trieste and Istria from the late Habsburg period to the postwar period, and analyzes two sites of memory established in Trieste after the community’s uprooting there after World War II. It explores how the narratives surrounding specific cultural artifacts— from literature and folklore to a musical and museum exhibits — and cultural organizations operating in the Julian March borderland act in service of the project to reinforce a certain vision of italianità and contribute to a discourse on Italianness in a contested borderland. I first analyze the discourse of a 1913 collection of writings sold to raise funds for the Lega Nazionale (the National League)— a cultural organization in the Adriatic borderland tasked with the defense and promotion of all things Italian — in order to expand the scope and purview of our discussion of italianità, not only geographically but thematically. I demonstrate that studying the different conceptions of Italianness that emerge in the writings of 14 participants in the pamphlet can help further illuminate the link between cultural identity and marginality. By putting all these disparate voices together — the contributors to the Lega Nazionale pamphlet from the borderland and not, asked to write on “Italy”— it becomes clear that a unified image of italianità does not emerge. By widening the canon on the nation and expanding the scope of what is considered when thinking about Italianness, we are left with a mosaic of diverse interpretations, the definitive proof that there is not one way to interpret Italian identity and that we should take further care when we treat it as an overarching, hegemonic idea. To these border writers, Italy is coded in terms of language, education, cultural patrimony, patriotism, cuisine, local dialect, geography and the metaphor of twilight. Next, I explore the “civilization” promoted in the Civic Museum of the Civilization of Istria, Fiume and Dalmatia (Trieste, Italy) and analyze how Istrian folk literature (1877-1977) was appropriated by folklorists, demologists, historians, politicians, intellectuals, musicologists and writers for a specifically political purpose. I examine the prefatory materials found in the introductions to editions of Istrian folktales and show how they are intimately involved in the "recovery" of ancient links to Italy through folklore. The political motives of folklore were thus to figuratively excavate the italianità in folklore at the margins of the State, in order to underscore "indigenous" Italian roots and fold these territories into the national project. The Civic Museum, too, demonstrates a similar insistence on connections to Italy, by selectively assembling a mono-ethnic representation of Istria and through the recreation of peasant environments. Lastly, I analyze an important site of memory for the exile community of Trieste, Magazzino 18. A warehouse-museum of the Istrian exodus at the Old Port of Trieste, Magazzino 18 was established through the efforts of I.R.C.I., which also organizes tours of the site. The objects contained within this site participate in the repackaging of contemporary history in a contested borderland. This constellation of objects—brought by Istrians as they left their homeland in the postwar and often pertaining to the domestic sphere—has been used by the exile community to construct a historical narrative that inscribes its history into that of the Holocaust. I explore how this liminal community sought to solidify its ties to the Italian nation from the periphery and later establish its victimhood in the postwar. My research identifies the use of narratives that expose the community’s reliance on the tools of Holocaust memorialization, insisting on a frame of uniqueness and competition and thereby undermining attempts of intercultural understanding. I argue that the preferred narratives of this exile community elucidate anxieties about self-definition, and bring these anxieties into conversations about trauma, recognition, and the obfuscation of the fascist past in Italy. By studying the various ways people interpret Italianness in an ethnically, culturally and linguistically heterogeneous zone, I elucidate how this identity is adopted and transformed in different ways by the different communities residing there, exploring the specificities of the work each of these entities—whether discursive or material—is attempting, their commonalities and differences, and how and when they are effective. I show that there are different forms of italianità, of senses of belonging to the Italian nation, and that the Italians of these border regions decenter Italy and place it into a wider context of the Adriatic and beyond. In doing so, I develop a methodology that can be applied to other contested areas where groups have battled over questions of identity to show how a marginalized community can come to occupy a main role in debates on contemporary politics and memory.