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and key words This thesis examines the origins and development of two national movements: zionism and palestinian nationalism. The thesis aims at answering these questions: Has there existed any parallels of origins and development of these movements? What has been the major incentive for the formation of the new national identities? What function has had the religion in the persisting israeli-palestinian conflict? For the purpose of answearing these questions this thesis follows the historical development in interwar Palestine and the causes of increase of zionistic movement in the afterwar period. The thesis also focuses on the development and character of israeli policies and formation of palestinian identity within the years 1948-1967. Key words: Palestine, Israel, zionism, nationalism, identity, conflict

This essay examines different political parties in Spain and Sweden by seeing how the parties act towards LGBTQIA + people. It also aims to see whether the parties have a nationalist trait in their campaigns. The essay examines whether the Spanish parties selected act differently because of Franco's dictatorship and if nationalism has influenced the selected Spanish parties. A nationalistic view is a common denominator for the group, a common origin, history, and some form of a link to a homeland. Spain's political parties have a partly nationalist ideology in their election campaign. In comparison with Sweden, the Swedish parties have a more structured ideology and have worked with LGBTQIA + politics based on their ideology. This difference may be due to the history of a dictatorial regime, which led to the political parties not developing a solid political structure.

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This dissertation contextualizes Brahms's vocal quartets within a largely forgotten discourse about Hausmusik that flourished in German-speaking lands in the second half of the nineteenth century. In numerous texts about Hausmusik from ca. 1848-1900, authors conceived the genre as an aesthetically and politically conservative expression of German identity and connected its accessible style to an ideal of social cohesion in the pre-industrial age. Similar issues of national identity and musical style arise in the reception of Brahms's quartets, which, I contend, was informed by the works' generic status as Hausmusik. Critics either praised Brahms's works for their simple, folk-like style or disparaged their complexity, artifice, and foreignness. Ultimately, I argue, Brahms sought to elevate the genre of Hausmusik in his vocal quartets by integrating aesthetic and cultural values associated with this genre with a more sophisticated musical style. The works' stylistic and generic ambiguity and the disparity in critics' responses reveal competing aesthetic, political, and cultural world views immediately before and after German unification. Chapter 2 shows how discourse about Hausmusik constructed German identity in the private sphere by promoting a folk-like aesthetic and accessible musical style over the perceived cosmopolitanism and commercialism of Salonmusik and other repertoires. Chapter 3 investigates the tension between Hausmusik and chamber styles and their associated opposing cultural values. Chapter 4 explores a similar conflict between folk and popular musical styles manifested in reactions to the Liebeslieder, which were interpreted as either Ländler or Viennese waltzes. Finally, chapter 5 demonstrates how reception of the Zigeunerlieder reflects the impulse to define German identity in opposition to a foreign "other" by sharply distinguishing between German and exotic musical styles. By relating these descriptive reviews of Brahms's works to largely prescriptive texts about Hausmusik, I define the genre by delimiting its boundaries and demonstrate the crucial role domestic music-making played in the expression of German identity in the second half of the nineteenth century.

The topic of this thesis is the discursive construction of an image of women in the Czech nation during the 70th-90th of the 19th century. In this period the process of nation-formation s culminated. There were also extensions of national ideology across all social strata of the Czech population in this time. The subject of research is defined to the sphere of liberal discourse. The subjects of analysis are articles in contemporary national-liberal press, namely newspaper Národní listy. As the analysis method for this survey was chosen the critical discourse analysis. Main questions, this thesis answers, is the way how is the image of women as a member of the Czech nation constructed, the subsequent development of this image and the construction of the differences between the Czech and German women.

In this thesis, I examine how violent substate actors—specifically those labeled as ‘terrorist’— are able to change from a strategy of total liberation to phased liberation. Using discourse analysis, shifts in political identity are examined in the Provisional IRA and Hamas. Each case study shows that the organization is undergoing an identity change from a more religiouslyinfluenced identity to one that emphasizes national elements; this shift to a national political identity enables a move from total liberation to phased liberation. The conclusion is reached that these changes in political identity rest on changing conceptions of temporality; ultimately, it is a change in temporal understanding that drives the transformation from total liberation to phased liberation. / Master of Arts

The research problem in Part I, the Press, concerns the question as to whether the Italian journals, 1830-1848, were efficacious in the formation of the Italian national spirit to the degree postulated by Professor Kent Roberts Greenfield in his thesis: Economics and Liberalism in the Risorgimento, Part II “Thought and Action,” subtitled “National Journalism, 1818-1848,“ (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1965). Specifically, this problem involves ascertaining: (1) who read the journals; (2 whether the contents of these journals were of interest to a significant portion of the population of the eight states; and (3) whether the journals were disseminated to any appreciable degree beyond the borders of the province where they were printed. Primary source material available for Part I is extremely scarce; however, as much as practicable the same sources as used and quoted by Professor Greenwood – bolstered by other reputable sources—are utilized in this thesis, so that whatever issue is taken with any of the Greenfield propositions as involving illogical inference, overstatement, etc., may be definitely traced. After investigation of Italian journalism of that period, it was concluded that the press operated under many diverse and blunting burdens which significantly curtailed the journals’ effectiveness in the formation of the Italian national spirit. The principal burdens include: (1) censorship, which forced the journalists to write “indirectly” and in “code;” (2) Illiteracy and general lack of educational opportunities; (3) dialectal diversity and no recognized national language; (4) political lethargy on the part of the masses; (5) regional antipathies that pitted province against province, even family against family. Therefore, in view of the above, and because of illogical inferences and overstatements revealed by comparison of statements made in Greenfield’s thesis, many of his positive claims concerning the journals and their role in the formation of the Italian national spirit are rejected; to that extent the Greenfield thesis is enervated. The research problem concerning the Italian theatre (which includes both tragedy and opera) involves determining the degree of efficacy of the theatre in the formation of the Italian national spirit, 1830-1848. Specifically, the study involves as investigation of the hardship under which the theatre operated. These include: (1) one form or another of censorship; (2) theatre and opera houses were required for performances and these were found only in the cities where a minority of the population resided; (3) opportunities for performances were seasonal most of the time. As much as practicable primary source material of scripts and libretti was used, as well as other source material from noted authors in the field. The theatre has an immediate, direct appeal, and to understand and enjoy its works does not necessarily require literacy or a sophisticated educational background; rather, it demands on the part of the audience an intensity of feeling, and an acute, emotional, passionate response, qualities which have always appeared to be part of the make-up of the Italian people. Therefore: (1) in view of the above; (2) because the subject matter of many plays and operas was easily identifiable with the conditions in Italy, 1830-1848; (3) because of the may demonstrations that follow theatrical performances; and (4) since diverse political slogans, phrases, etc., found their inspiration in theatrical works, it seems evident that the theatre was a significant factor in the formation of the Italian national spirit, 1830-1848.

Before and during the Civil War, Richmond's German-Americans were divided by their diverse politics, economic interests, cultures, and religions. Some exhibited Confederate sentiments and others Unionist. At the start of the war, scores of Richmond's German-born men volunteered for Confederate military service while others fled to the North. Those who remained found that they were not fully accepted as members of the Confederate citizenry. Political allegiances within the German-American community were not static. They changed during the course of the war, largely under the influence of nativism. Nativists put into practice a self-fulfilling prophecy that, by accusing the German-born of disloyalty, alienated them and discouraged their sympathies towards the Confederacy. In doing so, by constructing an image of a German antihero, the Confederacy built up its spirit of nationalism. Although German immigrants moved to cities, in the South and in the North, primarily in order to seek economic opportunities, the immigrants who came to Richmond were different from their ethnic counterparts of the North. As they assimilated and acculturated to the South, their values, behaviors, and loyalties became diverse. By the time of the Civil War, the German-American community of Richmond was quite divided. A common ethnicity failed to hold even those hundreds of German-Americans living in Richmond to one political ideology. Their story illustrates that ethnic divisions often do not coincide with political ones. Richmond's German-American community received, during the Civil War, a reputation for universal disloyalty. This myth continues today, though a complex analysis of the German-born does not support it. / Master of Arts

As the cultural diversity of the United States increases, more researchers are using socio-behavioral perspectives to explain health disparities. These studies are not unwarranted; high incidence rates in conditions like hypertension, obesity, and diabetes in given populations do suggest that cultural factors influence morbidity. But rarely does research examine how political culture affects health. I investigate this relationship using four waves of the National Survey of Black Americans. I focus on factors like political partisanship, electoral and political participation, Black socio-political beliefs, and system perception. Results from several statistical analyses show that African Americans who do not participate in mainstream politics have better health than those that do participate. Findings also suggest that the adoption of Black political orientations positively affects health satisfaction. Other results on key demographic factors are consistent with the wider literature which suggests that age, socioeconomic status, coverage, marital status, and religious identity all influence health. This study is significant because it contributes to a small, but emerging body of literature that examines the connection between political factors and wellness outcomes.