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This study examines the efficacy of new liberal policies designed to recognize cultural difference and improve integration of ethnic communities in Georgia, an emerging democracy in the Caucasus. Ethnographic fieldwork was conducted in the city of Tbilisi over nine months in 2009 to investigate public opinion and observe changes in heritage-related endeavors. The liberal policies are part of a reform initiative of president Mikheil Saakashvili and reflect his reimagining of the Georgian nation in civic terms rather than ethnonationalist ones. I recognize the unique and ambitious nature of this project and believe that Georgia's leaders are keenly aware of the constraints on their small nation in the context of late capitalism. The project, which I call the Multiethnic Georgia project, is thus a response to these conditions by deploying multiethnic identity as a resource and thus a way to reconfigure Georgia's relationships with its global partners. The Multiethnic Georgia project is problematic on a few levels. At its outset, the project responds to neoliberal pressure rather than to people's desire for a national concept change. Also, average Georgians (not including minorities) believe these kinds of social management paradigms are unnecessary. They claim they have always been tolerant and that social leveling mechanisms will only exacerbate the friction between people. In this sense, ordinary Georgians as well as more educated observers, touch on a problematic feature of the Western recognition paradigm, which arose to prevent ethnic conflict but does not deal with underlying structures that create social inequality. This project seems to be inculcating a superficial approximation of multicultural coexistence. I call attention to Georgian inter-culturalism instead, which exists in the form of unique social practices that show interdependence, flexibility and openness, as well as local norms of civility, and is a better platform from which to construct a recognition and ethnic integration project. / Anthropology

Stories of Indian captivity had long interested Anglo-American readers. Throughout the early republic, the genre of women's Indian captivity narratives took on another significance. "Captivating a Nation" places the scholarship of Indian captivity in conversation with American nationalism and reveals the ways in which Indian captivity narratives became the surface upon which American imagined their nation. "Captivating a Nation" is an examination of women's Indian captivity narratives published between 1787 and 1830. These narratives provided more than a continuous repository of settlers as victims in an untamed wilderness. They were narratives of nationhood in complex and contradictory ways. Indian captivity narratives were a popular genre among readers of the early American republic. Yet, less than half of those concerning male captives were published in multiple editions, while every narrative concerning a female captive was republished. Unlike the captivity narratives of men, those concerning women were re-published and re-consumed because settler women taken captive to Americans of the early republic symbolized the tenuousness and vulnerability of the young nation. That is, they simultaneously gave voice to fears related to national stability as well as contained those fears with the redemption of the woman and her return to white society. / History

This thesis examines how ethnic boundaries are constructed among, and understood by, different groups of first generation Sudanese-Canadians in Kitchener, Ontario. In particular, it seeks to examine how historical factors related to Sudanese history, contemporary events in Sudan and South Sudan, and conditions of exit from Sudan shaped boundary processes within the Sudanese diaspora in Kitchener. In this connection, this thesis examines the effect of secession/independence of South Sudan on the dynamics of this boundary and relationship between Southern and Northern Sudanese Canadians. Thus, the thesis aims to fill a gap in the literature. It also hopes to inspire further studies on Sudanese Canadians, who tend to be understudied in Canada. The research builds on the growing research tradition and theories of ethnic boundaries, identity, nationalism, and transnationalism. Qualitative approaches were used for collecting and analyzing data. Participant observation at community events, and thirty-seven semi-structured interviews were conducted with key informants in Kitchener, Ontario. The thesis emphasizes that ethnic boundaries, identities, and relations between Southern and Northern Sudanese Canadians are dynamic and ever changing, in the sense that they are sometimes undermined and broken down, and yet other times they are enforced and reinforced quite strictly. It also finds that the concept of ‘Northern’ is no longer geographic, as my respondents have limited its meaning to the riverine/Arab people. This concept contrasts with the concept of ‘black’ which includes many Northern Sudanese sub-national groups, in the geographic sense, along with Southern Sudanese. This indicates that the boundaries among the Southerners and riverine people have become stronger than between these Southerners and other Northerner groups. The thesis also shows that the relationships between Southern and Northern Sudanese Canadians’ have been significantly affected by the referendum and independence/secession of South Sudan insofar as the social gap between them has by and large become wider. Joint activities organized in collaboration between both groups before secession have since ceased. Also, the degree of general interaction between them has significantly decreased. They now tend to treat each other as strangers and avoid interaction. Even simple greetings are lacking and when interactions do happen, they are characterized by harshness, and the exchange of accusations. Moreover, instances of mutual support have also diminished. Invitations to, and attendance at private, and public events has noticeably decreased. Despite this increase in social distance at a community level some close friendships remain intact, especially among those who came to Canada from Egypt. Interestingly, Southern and Northern Sudanese continue to come together for attending death ceremonies and soccer games, and seating orders continue to be mixed at soccer games. The dynamics of intergroup relations in Canada have mainly followed their relations in Sudan. This means that transnational ties in this case tend to be unidirectional. This implies that living in the Canadian context has had a minor and indirect effect on these groups’ relations. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

As growing numbers of people access the internet, it has also grown as a medium for white nationalists. Podcasts in particular present a unique media form for misinformation and white nationalist ideology to spread as they are not regulated by the Federal Trade Commission in the United States. As a result of this lack of regulation, the following questions are central to this paper: what role does misinformation play in influencing white nationalist ideology? What are the consequences? How do podcasts serve as a medium for white nationalist ideology and misinformation to spread online? This research project reveals how white nationalism has become more attractive and mainstream over the past ten years, largely around the Presidency of Donald Trump. Analyzing and researching white nationalism in the present is necessary to better understand and tackle the issue at large. To fully understand these questions, I engage in a summative content analysis of several prominent conservative podcasts and conclude interviews with leading scholars of global studies and global communications, all while using a feminist lens of analysis. While these podcasts differ on the extremity of their views, I find that they share a similar sentiment of resentment and the dear of a loss of identity as a white race, while utilizing and relying on misinformation. The themes shared among all of the shows are identified as: (1) a distrust in institutions, (2) fear-mongering, and (3) a belief that white people - need to “regain their power”. The implications of this loom large due to the sheer number of listeners among the podcasts. Certainly, future research is necessary to fully understand exactly how podcasts impact listeners, yet preliminary evidence is clear that podcasts with a white nationalist ideology presents a danger. White nationalists believe they, as white people, hold an inherent power over people of color, and need to take this power back; the dissemination of this ideology through podcasts only amplifies this message.

Thesis advisor: Elizabeth Shlala / Everyone looks at the transition out of the imperial age in the 1800s as a massive leap of progress for humanity. While the end of the Age of Imperialism definitely came with many advancements, the nationalist age that followed was not as harmonious or just as it sometimes portrayed. Especially in nations that did not have full control of their rapid transitions (ie. Germany and Turkey), this evolution into an 'Age of Nationalism' was anything but peaceful. But why is it that nationalism can be so easily radicalized into violence? Why was the Wars and interwar period for Germany and Turkey so rife with instability, violence, persecution, and bigotry? Examining the patterns of homogenization, insulation, and stratification necessary to the birth of a nation out of an empire, this thesis seeks to understand just why and how radicalized nationalism can (and has) led to genocide. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2024. / Submitted to: Boston College. Morrissey School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: International Studies. / Discipline: Departmental Honors.

No / Can the Balkans ever become a peaceful penisula like that of Scandinavia? With enlightened backing, can it ever make common cause with the rest of Europe rather than being an arena of periodic conflicts, political misrule, and economic misery? In the last years of the twentieth century, Western states watched with alarm as a wave of conflicts swept over much of the Balkans. Ethno-nationalist disputes, often stoked by unprincipled leaders, plunged Yugoslavia into bloody warfare. Romania, Bulgaria and Albania struggled to find stability as they reeled from the collapse of the communist social system and even Greece became embroiled in the Yugoslav tragedy. This new book examines the politics and international relations of the Balkans during a decade of mounting external involvement in its affairs.