Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Divinity School, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität Münster, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 274-290).

Thesis (Doctorat)--Université de Paris. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 324-340) and index.

Purpose- The aim of this master’s thesis is to analyse the dichotomy between west and east and how this is seen in the following two libraries; Library of Congress (LC) and Bibliotheca Alexandrina (BA). I want to analyze if the portrait of east, as slow and hostile, and of west, as welcoming and forward, and how this, if at all, is actually seen in LC and BA. The presence and use of patriotism and nationalism in libraries is also examined. I asked myself the following questions: 1) How do LC and BA present themselves on their websites and how does this correspond to the dichotomy?, 2) How do LC and BA relate to patriotism on their websites?, and 3) Can one see what, if anything, LC and BA say about each other and how does this correspond to the dichotomy? These are questions that libraries world-wide might gain from to ponder, how and why, a western norm is almost always seen as superior to an eastern option.   Method- The approach was norm critical analysis of LC and BA’s websites. The method used was comparative text and image studies combined with netnography. Benedict Andersons and Jürgen Habermas’ theories about patriotism and nationalism was used, as well as Edward Saids Orient perspective. Andersons’ idea of an imagined community was also central.   Key Findings- The analysis shows that the dichotomy is actually the other way round, BA are the modern and welcoming ones, while LC are more traditional by way of expressing themselves. The dichotomy is also in some cases even very misleading of how the East is interpreted by the West. The conclusion is three major findings, 1) BA want to create and share knowledge both with each other and with the world as a whole, whilst LC is more about gathering knowledge and keeping this in the library for the sake of the United States welfare, 2) LC speak of themsleves as modern and of BA as ancient just as the dichotomy often display the two of them, but this is not a correct statement; BA has, for instance, modern western superheroes displayed on their website for children, while LC, on the other hand, has heroes such as the late American president Abraham Lincoln and American veterans on display for children (in other words, mostly an American perspective that one might find difficult to relate to if being a non-american citizen, while BA is more global with well-known cartoon figures), and lastly, 3) LC displays patriotism through stories of war by having a prominent section dedicated to American veterans on their website, while BA speaks more of a patriotism through a proud cultural heritage.   Originality/value- This kind of study had not been done before in LIS research.   Paper type- This is a two years master’s thesis in Library and Information Science (LIS) in Archive, Library and Museums studies

Tatarstan’s degree of political, economic and cultural sovereignty within the Russian Federation is the result of Soviet era ethno-national politics. The re-adoption of the ethnic federal state model in 1992 by Russia allowed ethnic regions such as Tatarstan to challenge the federal authorities for con-federal relations within the Federation. The Tatar leadership has attempted to work within the institutional and legal framework of the Russian Federation in an attempt to codify their state sovereignty within the Russian Federation. The political and economic concessions gained through tedious negotiation with the center have provided the Republic with the means to build a culturally distinct and semi sovereign state in the heart of the Russian Federation. / text

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This thesis seeks to relate the forms of liberal nationalism, which emerged in Scotland and Quebec between 1899 and 1914, to the character of the institutions which governed. The substantive focus is on two liberal nationalist groupings: the Young Scots' Society and the more loosely grouped Ligue nationaliste canadienne. Their emergence is examined at three levels: imperial, federal and local civil society. / The British Empire exerted an overarching influence on both Scotland and Quebec. Yet each enjoyed a very different relationship to the empire. Liberal nationalists responded differently to the same policies---the South African War, Tariff Reform and the Naval Question. The Young Scots invoked Liberal principles: freedom of speech, free trade and disarmament. The Nationalistes' response was nationalist: these were encroachments on Canadian sovereignty. Yet both groupings shared a liberal conception of empire, characterised by autonomy and decentralisation. / Scotland and Quebec enjoyed a 'federal' relationship to their states (Britain/Canada). Deficiencies in these systems prompted different responses. The Young Scots campaigned in support of a Scottish Home Rule Parliament. The Nationalistes favoured a Canadian federation which was avowedly consociational, one which recognised Canadian duality. These were liberal measures of accommodating difference. / Finally, Scotland and Quebec possessed distinctive civil societies. Yet they differed in the degree to which they were governed by liberal norms. In Scotland a liberal ethos was sustained by both the dominant Liberalism and Presbyterianism. However in Quebec the dominant Catholic church sought to preserve its hegemony over francophone society against Liberal challenges. Liberal nationalists not only reflected the distinct national character of their civil societies but also the degree to which those societies were governed by liberal norms. / It was these configurations of institutions and norms which ensured that the nationalisms which emerged in Scotland and Quebec were liberal in character. Yet there were important differences: greater emphasis was placed on Liberalism in Scotland ("Liberal nationalists") while the emphasis was on Nationalism in Quebec ("liberal Nationalists"). The character of empire, federalism and civil society in Scotland and Quebec shaped the nationalisms that emerged between the Boer War and the First World War.

This thesis will examine the relationship between art, nationalism and identity as it appears in the context of the 1967 Montreal Universal Exposition. "Expo 67" saw a confrontation between Canadian and Quebecois expressions of nationalism, and we will concentrate on this aspect as it appears through the artistic representations in the different national pavilions. / We will also look into the artworks presented by young Quebecois artists in the more marginal "Youth Pavilion" situated on Ile Sainte-Helene, and will explain how this new generation of artists was able to take advantage of the particular context of the Universal Exhibition in order to implement its own concept of national identity, an identity closely related to popular culture, and thus very different from the image projected by the Quebecois elite of the time.

In this thesis, the author investigates the link between the process of economic and political integration within the European Union and the phenomenon of nationalist assertion. By examining the cases of Flanders and Scotland, it is argued that increased nationalism is a normal and predictable outcome of the process of integration in general, and of the EU more specifically. By analysing four factors--economic incorporation, system-wide policies, systems of transfer payments, and political isolation--the author finds two trends within the nationalist movements. The first is that the nationalist groups seek to acquire several of the powers currently held by the states of which they are currently part, Belgium and the United Kingdom respectively. The second is that these sub-state groups see themselves as part of a new order in which states are losing their significance. Neither of the theories associated with these observations on their own, however, satisfactorily explains the link between integration and increased nationalist assertion in the nationalist movements studied. The conclusion is that the nationalist groups accept the concept of an authority above the level of the state, nation, or region, but emphasise the necessity of a large degree of regional autonomy and a real voice for these regions in the decision-making process of this authority. Since the European Union is and always has been an exclusive club of member states, nationalist groups consider, within the framework of current institutional arrangements, that full statehood may be the only way to achieve their goals.