published_or_final_version / English / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

This project explores banal nationalism from a perspective where the visibility and usage of the US flag as decoration on everyday products in Sweden is problematized. In comparison with the Swedish flag which has a history of being “unwaved” because open nationalism for a long time has been thought of as vulgar in Sweden, the frequent reproduction of the US flag seems to elude a critical discussion on national expressions. The effects of using a national symbol for commercial purposes is therefore theoretically and practically researched. / <p>The full thesis contains copyrighted material which has been removed in the published version. </p>

The thesis deals with Andrés Molina Enriquez's pro-miscegenation theory. Molina (1868-1940), a Spencirian evolutionist who believed race struggle is history's driving force, departs from the premise that Mexico will not be a cohesive, progressive nation until all Mexicans become Mestizos - i.e., the product of racial intermingling between Spaniards and Indians. Thus, the analysis of this theory is the main objective of the thesis. In order to analyse Molina's theory within its historical context, however, the preliminary section of the thesis briefly describes the thoughts of those Mexican intellectuals who had previously proclaimed ethnic homogeneity -via miscegenation- the key to national stability and development. Similarly, the last part of the thesis presents the ideas of some of Molina's successors, those who were in favor of miscegenation - not only a racial one but also a cultural one - in postrevolutionary Mexico. The first and last parts of the thesis allow us to see pro-miscegenation as a current of the Mexican intelligentsia's quest for national identity. The central part of it - the one devoted to Molina's theory, undoubtedly the most important and sophisticated contribution in the field - gives us a general picture of the contradictory nature of this current of thought. Even though it is clear that a pervasive miscegenation made ever more Mexican intellectuals endorse the idea that Mestizos are the real people of Mexico. The analysis of Molina's writings shows that he attempted to predict the supremacy of Mestizos with a theoretical framework that leads him to the opposite direction. Indeed, no matter how much he twisted it, Spencerian evolutionism did not serve him (or his contemporary pro-miscegenationists) to prove white-racism wrong. The conclusion is that Molina, as most of his fellow "Mestizophilia" supporters, chose to hail the ethnic group that represented an ever-growing majority of the Mexican population, and tried to build a scientific theory to prove the supremacy of that group. But in doing so he had to use the only methodological tools he had learned at the positivist schools of Porfirian Mexico. The result is a contradictory theory that, nevertheless, sheds light on the path to national identity in Mexico.

This project examines questions of national identity and democracy in television through the analysis of the production processes of audience discussion programmes. The study of television debates, as public spaces through which members of particular communities discuss topics of common concern, shed some light on two different questions. On the one hand, this project explores whether the (re)construction of national and cultural identity intervenes in the process of programme-making within stateless nations. On the other hand, audience discussion programmes are examined to assess whether they can function as democratic spheres of social representation in the media. These two strands of research are developed through ethnographic insights into two television debates: Scottish Women - produced by the commercial company Scottish Television (STV), and La Vida en un Xip - transmitted through the. Catalan public television channel TV3 and produced by the production company DCo.S.A. A comparative study of these two programmes and their respective broadcasting contexts is provided. Also, the distinctive political status of Scotland and Catalonia within their respective states - Britain and Spain - and the European and international contexts, is examined in relation to the media. The current debates concerning nationalism, the nation and national identity are discussed on the basis of culture as the essential element of the nation-building process. This study explores the process of cultural identity fonnation in Scotland and Catalonia and the role of their respective media structures as potential actors in the (re)construction of collective identities. Thus, the analysis of television production is regarded as a key instrument with which to assessh ow this medium intervenesi n such processes. Audience discussion programmes are examined as television formats with the potential for providing a democratic public sphere in the media. An expansion of the concept of the public sphere, its transformation and its role in contemporary societies is, therefore, essential to develop this argument. Also, the relation between television debates and the community is explored through a survey carried out amongst participants of Scottish Women and La Vida en un Xip. This work provides media studies with some keys to evaluate the role of television debates in the delicate political make-up of two nations without a state, Scotland and Catalonia. Questions of national and cultural identity are crucial to the policy-making of their respective broadcasting, industries. Yet, such questions are difficult to distinguish and define in their programming. The comparative analysis of the two case studies reveals that every person involved in television making reflects to a certain extent his/her own perceptions of the country, and therefore, television debates mirror the ambiguities that may lie behind them. This study provides some clues to reformulate the concept of the 'public sphere' on the basis of a 'dissection' of television production procedures. The findings also reveal the economic, political and social criteria that develop audience discussion programmes into spheres of entertainment rather than rational communicative environments in which a public sphere could function. The concepts of national identity and the public sphere are framed in the context of contemporary societies, in which post-modem values are eroding the role and interest of the individual in the political process.

Student Number : 8546313 - PhD thesis - School of Arts - Faculty of Humanites / This thesis interrogates the extent to which the façades of, and decorative programmes in, selected South African public and commercial buildings erected during the decade 1930 – 40 may be understood as important indexes of the various ideological, social and historical concerns underpinning the construction of an imaginary of national belonging during this period. In the context of rapid urbanisation, burgeoning industrialisation, and rampant capitalism that characterise the period, issues of nationalism and political power are brought into sharp relief, with three political agendas competing for dominance: Afrikaner nationalism at one extreme and British imperialism at the other, with, from 1933 to the end of the decade, the insipid ‘South Africa First’ nationalism of the Smuts-Hertzog ‘fusion’ government occupying a highly contested space somewhere between the two. I argue in this thesis that the rhetoric of ‘unity in diversity’ that informs the fusion politics of the 1930s, and particularly its expression in the decorative programmes of public buildings provides for a more nuanced reading of the political and cultural landscape of 1930s South Africa than has been the case to date, where the focus has tended towards deconstructing the cultural nationalism of the 1930s in terms of the rise of Afrikaner nationalism. Moreover, it also serves as a compelling reference point against which to assess contemporary South African attempts to re-narrate notions of nationhood, and the extent to which difficult arguments around ethnicity, autochthony, and the construction of imaginary new ‘publics’ are articulated in post-apartheid public architecture. Chapter 1 is a review of the literature that informs this thesis; both as regards the art historical discourse on South African inter-World War art and architecture, as well as theoretical issues arising from writing on nationalism, national identity, and the role that art and architecture plays in evolving the nation code. In Chapters 2 and 3, I consider the ways in which the notions of identity arising from fusion politics are played out in the decorative programmes of two significant public buildings, South Africa House in London (1933) in Chapter 2 and the Pretoria City Hall (1935) in Chapter 3. I argue that both these buildings are classic examples of the manifestation in architectural terms of the hybrid identity being forged by the centrist ‘South Africa first’ ideologues, in so far as their decorative programmes express an uncomfortable alliance between the entrenched values of British imperialism and a burgeoning Afrikaner nationalism. In Chapter 4, I contrast the decorative programme of the headquarters of the new Afrikaner insurance companies SANTAM and SANLAM (1932) with that of the new corporate headquarters of the Commercial Union Assurance Company (1932), a British owned firm that had had a presence in Cape Town since 1863. The differences in effect of the decorative programmes of these two buildings serve to illuminate the extent of the ideological posturing of volkskapitalisme and its construction of a ‘modern African/Afrikaner’ identity within the imperialist heartland of Cape Town. These debates are brought into sharp relief by the third example discussed in this chapter, the Old Mutual building (1940), the decorative programme of which effectively conflates these concerns with modernity and nationalism in order to construct a hybrid ‘South Africanism’ that neatly elides Boer and Brit imaginings. In conclusion, I show in Chapter 5 how the post-apartheid South African situation presents an interesting case study in terms of constructing an imaginary of national belonging rooted in similar notions of ‘unity in diversity’. Examples here include important national architectural commissions like the legislature buildings for the newly constituted provinces of Mpumalanga (1999) and the Northern Cape (2003), as well as the new Constitutional Court in Johannesburg (2004). In this chapter, I interrogate these debates, and conclude by pointing to parallels with the case studies from the 1930s. The post-1994 examples in question have been widely celebrated as exemplary of a new and appropriate response to the challenges of public building in democratic South Africa. I suggest, however, that the lessons of the 1930s should serve as a reminder that the ostensible dichotomy between ‘good’ (civic) and ‘bad’ (ethnic) nationalism is perhaps not as natural and obvious as it may appear, and that both are equally problematic.

黃碧雲. / 稿本 / 論文(碩士)--香港中文大學硏究院政治與行政學部,1992. / 附參考文獻 / Huang Biyun. / 鳴謝 / 縮略詞表 / 論文撮要 / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 / Chapter 一. --- 硏究焦點及問題 --- p.3 / Chapter 二. --- 研究原因 --- p.4 / Chapter 甲. --- 香港民族主義--一個有待發展的研究領域 --- p.4 / Chapter 乙. --- 香港的獨特性 --- p.7 / Chapter 丙. --- 正視民族主義與民主的複雜關係 --- p.8 / Chapter 丁. --- 開拓香港民主運動研究的新角度 --- p.8 / Chapter 三. --- 概念 --- p.9 / Chapter 甲. --- 民族主義是什麼？ --- p.9 / Chapter 乙. --- 地域性民族主義 --- p.14 / Chapter 四. --- 文獻回顧：民族主義與民主的關係 --- p.16 / Chapter 甲. --- 民族主義可促進民主主義？ --- p.16 / Chapter 乙. --- 亞洲的民族主義本質上是反民主的？ --- p.18 / Chapter 丙. --- 不宜簡化民族主義與民主的因果關係 --- p.20 / Chapter 丁 . --- 從具體的歷史處境出發 --- p.23 / Chapter 戊. --- 小結 --- p.26 / Chapter 五. --- 分析架構 --- p.27 / Chapter 六. --- 研究假設 --- p.30 / Chapter 七. --- 研究方法 --- p.31 / Chapter 甲. --- 研究性質 --- p.31 / Chapter 乙. --- 資料來源 --- p.31 / Chapter 丙. --- 訪問對象的選取及訪問的進行 --- p.32 / Chapter 第二章： --- 香港民主派的民族主義內涵及表現形態 / Chapter 一. --- 中國民族主義-官方的詮釋 --- p.35 / Chapter 甲. --- 對内的愛國主義 --- p.36 / Chapter 乙. --- 對外的愛國主義 --- p.37 / Chapter 二. --- 香港民族主義的發展 --- p.38 / Chapter 三. --- 香港民主派的民族主義内涵及表現形態 --- p.42 / Chapter 甲. --- 雙重的身份認同 --- p.43 / Chapter 1 . --- 民族、文化層次的認同 --- p.45 / Chapter 2 . --- 泛政治層次的認同 --- p.47 / Chapter 3 . --- 政府、政權層次的認同 --- p.48 / Chapter 乙. --- 民族情感的特色 --- p.55 / Chapter 1 . --- 愛國而不愛黨 --- p.57 / Chapter 2 . --- 休戚與共之情 --- p.59 / Chapter 3 . --- 對中國的冀望 --- p.60 / Chapter 4 . --- 立足香港、頁獻中國 --- p.61 / Chapter 丙. --- 政策層面的體現 --- p.62 / Chapter 1 . --- 主權回歸 --- p.62 / Chapter 2 . --- 香港獨立 --- p.68 / Chapter 3. --- 台灣獨立與兩岸统一 --- p.69 / Chapter 4 . --- 居英權 --- p.73 / Chapter 四. --- 小結 --- p.79 / Chapter 第三章： --- 民族主義與香港民主運動 / Chapter 一. --- 民族主義與民主主義的關係 --- p.82 / Chapter 甲. --- 民族主義與民主主義的相容關係 --- p.83 / Chapter 乙. --- 民族主義作為香港民主運動的推動力 --- p.86 / Chapter 二. --- 民族主義與民主運動的策略、行為 --- p.88 / Chapter 甲. --- 民族主義作為政治象徵的作用 --- p.88 / Chapter 乙. --- 民族主義作為群眾動員工具的可能性與限制 --- p.94 / Chapter 丙. --- 中、港兩地民主運動的匯合與分離 --- p.102 / Chapter 1 . --- 非主流民主派 --- p.104 / Chapter 2 . --- 主流民主派 --- p.107 / Chapter 丁. --- 六四事件後香港民主運動的矛盾境況 --- p.120 / Chapter 1 . --- 兩地民運之間分、合並存的矛盾 --- p.120 / Chapter 2. --- 中港關係的矛盾 --- p.122 / Chapter 三. --- 小结 --- p.125 / Chapter 第四章： --- 總結 / Chapter 一. --- 香港民主派民族主義的類型、内涵、變化和特色 --- p.127 / Chapter 甲. --- 民族主義的類型和内涵 --- p.127 / Chapter 乙. --- 民族主義的歷史變化 --- p.129 / Chapter 丙. --- 地域性民族主義的特色 --- p.130 / Chapter 二 . --- 民族主義與香港民主運動的關係 --- p.132 / Chapter 甲. --- 動機 --- p.133 / Chapter 乙. --- 象徵 --- p.133 / Chapter 丙. --- 動員工具 --- p.134 / Chapter 丁. --- 民族主義與民主運動策略、行為的配套 --- p.135 / Chapter 三. --- 研究啓示：香港民主運動的發展策略 --- p.137 / Chapter 四. --- 進一步的研究方向 --- p.141 / Chapter 甲. --- 分析單位 --- p.141 / Chapter 乙. --- 研究假設 --- p.142 / Chapter 丙. --- 研究重點 --- p.143 / 附錄 / Chapter 附錄一： --- 訪問題目 / Chapter 附錄二： --- 六四前後支援中國愛國民運的群眾動員紀錄表(1989-91) / Chapter 附錄三： --- 香港民主運動民促會的群眾動員紀錄表（1986-90) / 註釋 / 書目 / 主要英文參考書目 / 主要中文參考書目 / 主要參考報章雜誌

盧文芳. / 論文 (哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 1999. / 參考文獻 (leaves 216-224). / 附中英文摘要. / Lu Wenfang. / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi) -- Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 1999. / Can kao wen xian (leaves 216-224). / Fu Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. / 目錄 --- p.i-iii / 論文摘要 --- p.iv-v / 致謝 --- p.vi / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.1 / Chapter (一) --- 前言 --- p.1 / Chapter (二) --- 研究課題 --- p.3 / Chapter (三) --- 研究方法 --- p.8 / Chapter 第二章 --- 文獻回顧及理論架構 --- p.15 / Chapter (一) --- 對國家的意識方面 --- p.15 / 「香港人」國家意識與身份認同的硏究 / 有關國家意識「本質」與「屬性」的理論 / 針對國家意識使用者、指涉內容及情境的討論 / Chapter (二) --- 史料的選材方面 --- p.29 / Chapter (三) --- 旅遊與國家意識的理論方面 --- p.31 / Chapter 第三章 --- 交流活動在香港的幾個重要轉折 --- p.35 / Chapter 第一節 --- 交流活動的縱線發展 --- p.35 / Chapter 第一個階段 --- 喧鬧的醞釀期（一九七一年以前） / Chapter 第二個階段 --- 百花齊放的「認識中國.關心社會」 (一九七一年至一九七三年） / Chapter 第三個階段 --- 從「火紅年代」急轉直下（一九七三至一九八九年） / Chapter 第二節 --- 新一代交流活動的背景 --- p.59 / Chapter 第四章 --- 新一代的交流活動 --- p.70 / Chapter 第一節 --- 新一代交流活動的組織者和參與者 --- p.70 / 活動組織者的特色 / 活動參與者的特色 / Chapter 第二節 --- 新一代交流活動的基本內容 --- p.76 / 活動內容的特色一活動的宗旨及主題論述 / 遊覽景點 / 節目安排 / 活動中所接觸的人物 / Chapter 第五章 --- 從交流活動建構國家意識 --- p.92 / 交流活動組織者的策略 --- p.92 / 參觀、遊覽某些特別選取的景點 / 活動的內容 / Chapter 第六章 --- 從交流活動看香港年青人的國家意識 --- p.113 / Chapter 第一節 --- 交流活動參與者的回應 --- p.113 / 參與交流活動的表面原因 / 夢寐以求一遊的景點 / 期待已久的活動 / 預期中的「大陸」活動 / 意想不到的活動 / Chapter 第二節 --- 今日香港年青人的「國家意識」 --- p.160 / 文化民族主義與政治民族主義 / 想像中的「歷史中國」、「文化中國」與「地理中國」 / 「中國」與「大陸」有別 / Chapter 第七章 --- 總結：交流活動與國家意識 --- p.173 / 附錄 --- p.177 / 附錄（一）：一九七一年香港大學第一屆回國觀光團團長文章《問蒼茫大地´Ø 誰主浮沉！》 / 附錄（二）：八十年代至九十年代香港前往中國大陸交流團統計資料 / 附錄（三）：《愛我中華´Ø建樹香江》公民教育教學系列活動´ؤ´ؤ香港學生 大使交流團組織架構 / 附錄（四）：《我的祖國´ؤ´ؤ京港學生交流營´ة98》活動日程安排及活動簡介 / 附錄（五）：《京港´ة98》營長在開營儀式上的致詞內容 / 附錄（六）：《京港´ة98》副營長在開營儀式上的致詞內容 / 附錄（七）：《京港´ة98》香港營員代表在開營儀式上的致詞內容 / 附錄（八）：《京港´ة98》北京營員代表在開營儀式上的致詞內容 / 附錄（九）：《京港´ة98》營長在閉營儀式上的致詞內容 / 附錄（十）：《京港´ة98》副營長在閉營儀式上的致詞內容 / 附錄（十一）：《京港´ة98》香港營員代表在閉營儀式上的致詞內容 / 附錄（十二）：《京港´ة98》北京營員代表在閉營儀式上的致詞內容 / 附錄（十三）：活動內容一歌曲（二）《大中國》、《歌唱祖國》、《團結就是 力量》 / 附錄（十四）：京港學生交流營營歌《友誼連著你和我》 / 附錄（十五）：活動內容一歌曲（一）《中華人民共和國國歌》 / 附錄（十六）：惜別活動上所唱歌曲《祝福》 / 參考書目 --- p.216

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二零一零年一月，全球最大的互联网搜索引擎谷歌在其官网上宣布了他们由于不满中国政府长期以来的网络审查制度而有意退出中国市场的决定。西方主流媒体及评论家对于中国的网络审查制度惯常以负面评价为主。中国民众对此又持怎样的态度呢？这个研究将焦点放在了中国的海归派身上。由于长年游走在中国大陆及海外之间，他们常常可以体验及比较不同地区的网络世界，故此对网络审查比一般的中国大陆民众有更深的体会及更详尽的洞悉。本研究旨在探索这群曾在或仍在中国境外居住的中国人是如何理解中国的互联网审查制度的。 / 在此研究的受访对象中，有些人将网络审查视为一个来自政府的负面干涉，并认为它代表了一个不诚实的政府。而另一些人则认为由于中国社会及中国文化的特殊性，网络审查制度有其存在的道理。虽然受访对象的看法多样，但他们在谈论这个话题的时候都表现出了一种充满矛盾感的民族主义情节 ---他们会竭力为一个另自己蒙羞的政府辩护。通过深入分析了这种充满矛盾感的民族主义情节：它是如何产生的，又意味着什么，它与网络审查制度又有何相关，笔者力图强调，本研究受访对象的国家认同感在这个辩护过程中得到了加强。此分析有助于更好的了解中国的网络审查制度，以及它的合理性是如何被塑造出来的。 / In January, 2010, the biggest internet search engine, Google, announced its potential exodus from the Chinese market due to China’s practice of censorship. Many foreign commentators have criticized China’s practice of censorship. But what are the views of Chinese citizens? This research focuses on a special group of Chinese netizens called “returnees“ [overseas Chinese who are living in between China and elsewhere], who have experienced both the domestic and overseas cyber-worlds. Through studying their perspectives on censorship, this research seeks to understand how those who have lived outside China understand internet censorship within China. / Some informants view internet censorship as a negative intrusion and a representation of an untruthful government while others consider it as a necessity in managing China’s cyberspace due to the special cultural context of Chinese society. Though their perceptions vary, my informants expressed a paradoxical nationalism, defending a government they felt ashamed of; this was expressed repeatedly during interviews. In this thesis, by bringing censorship and nationalism together, I analyze in depth my informants’ paradoxical and conflicting attitude toward these two concepts, in order to better understand Chinese censorship and how it may be justified. I argue that by defending censorship, my informants’ Chinese identities have been reinforced. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Chang, Xinyue. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 156-165). / Abstracts also in Chinese. / Abstract --- p.i / Chapter Chapter 1. --- Introduction --- p.1 / Introduction: “The Google-China Affair“ --- p.2 / Chinese Returnees --- p.4 / TheNascent Public Sphere, Censorship, and the Google-China Affair --- p.5 / AnHistorical Perspective --- p.13 / Methodology --- p.21 / Chapter Breakdown --- p.24 / Chapter Chapter2. --- Literature Review --- p.26 / The Anthropology of Cyberspace --- p.26 / China’s Cyberspace --- p.36 / Nationalismand Chinese Nationalism --- p.39 / Chapter Chapter3. --- The Google-China Affair --- p.53 / TheSage of Google and China --- p.58 / Reviewing the Saga through the Eyes of Chinese Returnees --- p.63 / Follow-Up --- p.77 / Conclusion --- p.77 / Chapter Chapter4. --- Freedom of Information --- p.79 / Universal Human Rights vs. Cultural Relativism --- p.79 / Individual Agency vs. State Control --- p.85 / Market Domination vs. State Control --- p.90 / The Concept of Rationality --- p.92 / Responses to Moral Discipline --- p.97 / Conclusion --- p.101 / Chapter Chapter5. --- Freedom of Speech --- p.103 / Freedom in Relation to Speech --- p.105 / Twitter and Sina Weibo --- p.109 / Liu Xiaobo --- p.116 / Ai Weiwei --- p.119 / The Chinese Jasmine Movement --- p.122 / Conclusion --- p.124 / Chapter Chapter6. --- Conclusion: Censorship and Chinese Nationalism --- p.129 / The Conundrum of Self-Flagellating National Pride --- p.130 / Repressive Hypothesis --- p.136 / Presentation of Self and Rituals of Rebellion --- p.141 / Collective Memory Construction --- p.149 / Conclusion: Censorship and Nationalism --- p.151 / Bibliography --- p.156

This thesis deals with a well-known part of Swedish government communication to the citizens and inhabitants of Sweden regarding the event of war or other external threats, the brochure “If War Arrives” first published in 1943. With a sixth edition named ”If War or Crisis Arrives” in May 2018 the suite of printed information has been the prime advice to the Swedes during 75 years. The aim of this thesis is to study: How, by which messages, the Swedish government and authorities try to strengthen the resilience of its society through the brochures? How has the messages from the Swedish state on how citizens should behave in war and crisis changed during the 75 years since the first edition. Do changes in the forming of the nation through the brochure reflect changed values in society and a changed national narrative? If War Arrives is part of communication that create the nation of Sweden. It must be assumed that those who produce it search a synthesis between the need to control and lead a people in endangerment and simultaneously catch the same people's self-image. To find answers to the questions a quantitative study of frequency of key words is performed. This is followed by a discourse analysis emphasising on the Swedish security discourse and the Swedish national discourse. The conclusion of the quantitative study is a surprisingly stable product with, except for one subject (description of the enemy), small changes in the messages to the citizens. Moral statements have declined but legally built requirements have increased during the six editions published. The discourse study show a slightly changing language concerning the demands on the citizens in case of war or other sever danger. The construction of the national narrative is more adjusted to the modern diversified society in a globalized world but nevertheless the inhabitants of the nation are responsible both for themselves as individuals and share a responsibility for the nation-state of Sweden. There are indications for a change in the narrative of the Swedish nation because the collective claims of expressions seemingly embraced by everybody like “our style of life” or “form of living” has changed to the phrase “… the right to live according to our own choice”. This is a rhetorical change in phrasing that suits the needs of a modern globalized nation far better. / Denna uppsats handlar om en välkänd del av svensk regeringskommunikation till medborgarna och invånarna i Sverige i händelse av krig eller andra hot, broschyren Om Kriget Kommer, som först publicerades 1943. Med en sjätte utgåva som heter "Om Krisen eller Kriget Kommer" i maj 2018 har sviten av tryckt information varit den mest framträdande rådgivningen till svenskarna under 75 år. Syftet med denna avhandling är att undersöka: Hur, med vilka budskap, försöker svenska regeringen och myndigheterna att stärka sitt samhälles motståndskraft genom broschyrerna? Hur har den svenska statens budskap om hur medborgarna ska förhålla sig vid krig och kris förändrats under de 75 år som gått sedan första upplagan. Finns förändringar i nationsformeringen som synliggörs genom broschyren och speglar de förändrade värden i samhället och en nytt svenskt narrativ? Om Kriget Kommer är en del av kommunikationen som skapar nationen Sverige. Det måste antas att de som producerar den söker en syntes mellan behovet att styra och leda ett folk i fara och samtidigt uppfånga samma folks självbild. För att hitta svar på frågorna utförs en kvantitativ studie av nyckelord i de sex texterna. Detta följs av en diskursanalys med betoning på den svenska säkerhetsdiskursen och den svenska nationella diskursen. Slutsatsen av den kvantitativa studien är en överraskande stabil produkt med, förutom ett ämnesområde (beskrivning av fienden), små förändringar i budskapen till svenskarna. Moraliska utsagor har minskat, men legalt byggda anspråk på landets invånare har i stället ökat i de sex utgåvorna som publicerats. Diskursstudien visar ett något förändrat språk om krav på medborgarna i händelse av krig eller annan allvarlig fara. Den projicerade nationen är 2018 mer anpassad till det moderna diversifierade samhället i en globaliserad värld, men nationens invånare är inte desto mindre ansvariga för sig själva som individer och de delar ansvarar för den svenska nationen. Det finns indikationer på en förändring i det svenska narrativet, eftersom kollektiva uttryck som är tänkta att omfamnas av alla som; "vår livsstil" eller "levnadsform" har förändrats till uttrycket ”… rätten att leva som vi själva väljer”. Detta är en retorisk förändring som passar behoven hos en modern globaliserad nation mycket bättre.