In this study, the emergence of e-government as a &lsquo / governing rationality&rsquo / (i.e. e-governmentalisation) is analyzed from the Foucauldian genealogical perspective. In that sense, the type of governing rationalities, the modes of subjectivities, the strategies of power-knowledge and the practices of normalization/inclusion and exclusion that are linked to the emergence of e-governmentalisation are emphasized. Deleuze&rsquo / s essay on &lsquo / the societies of control&rsquo / is used as a theoretical framework in which the emergence of e-governmentalisation is positioned. Different aspects of the society of control are discussed within different chapters taking into account the material transformations in capitalism, the changing mentalities of the state, changing practices and rationalities of surveillance and the changing rationalities of inclusion and exclusion. Based on these analyzes, it is claimed that e-governmentalisation has two interrelated aspects. On the one hand, it is an &lsquo / ethico-political&rsquo / rationality which tries to transform individuals into active, techno-entrepreneurial subjects which is required for the production and re-production of the neoliberal knowledge-based society. On the other hand, it is a rationality of surveillance which tries to govern individuals through enhanced systems of surveillance such as databases. Throughout the thesis, the context of Turkey in terms of these two aspects of e-governmentalisation is also taken into account in order to make the theoretical discussions more concrete. It is concluded that e-governmentalisation is an intensifying rationality of the state which may have an influence on the identities of the citizens, on the formal citizenship status and on practices of inclusion and exclusion.

The main objective of this study is to question the potential of architecture as a representational medium of ideology. In order to exemplify this overlapping relationship between ideology and architecture, this study focuses on the headquarters erected by major parties of Turkey since the 1980&rsquo / s. Having a significant position within society and particularly being a part of political system, parties obviously define ideological formations in order to preserve their existence and also strengthen their position within society and the material existence of architecture is manipulated by the parties as an important tool for representation. Thus these headquarters, which are certainly virile tools in the process of aesthetization of ideology, constitute a model to comprehend this relation of architecture and power. All buildings concerned are erected after 1980 which marks another objective of this study. The ongoing period after 1980 under the influence of Neoliberalism offers substantial changes in political, social and economic domains in worldwide scale. Obviously, political agents in Turkey were also forced to experience such significant changes and redefined their ideological formations. Thus, these buildings can be considered as the concrete example of how architecture responded the newly emerging need refined due the neoliberal changes. Departing from that, the aim of this thesis can be defined as to discuss the role of the work of architecture in the representation of ideology, but also to question to what extend the alterations in this potential of representation has initiated by the changes brought by Neoliberalism. Lastly, the study will discuss the results of these changes within the sphere of ideology of architecture in order to map the transformation occurred within. This study will finally question what kind of transformations within the sphere of ideology of architecture has been triggered by the above mentioned changes.

From the 1980&rsquo / s onwards a new conceptual framework which will be subsequently called neoliberalism has become hegemonic by transforming and redefining the common sense. In the midst of the world economic crisis in the 1970s which would bring the collapse of Keynesian paradigm, a new political culture promoting the superiority of market-based order has started to emerge. Subsequently during the 1980s, by establishing &lsquo / market-oriented society&rsquo / as the new dominant paradigm, neoliberal hegemony has realized furher seperation of &lsquo / economics&rsquo / from the &lsquo / politics.&rsquo / In this respect, regarding the implementation of neoliberal policies, Great Britain can be considered as a prime example. During the last three decades, political atmosphere of Great Britain has to a large extent been shaped under the influence of neoliberal hegemony that has engendered a significant paradigm shift in the country&rsquo / s political economy. Meanwhile in the rapidly changing political atmosphere of 1980&rsquo / s and 1990&rsquo / s, British Labour Party has also gone through a gradual ideological transformation that culminated in the emergence of New Labour. Despite its initial claim to novelty, since New Labour is itself an actor that is formed during the hegemony of neoliberalism, its possible affiliation with the neoliberal paradigm deserves attention. In this sense, in order to analyse its affiliation with the neoliberal hegemony, this thesis attempts to develop a discursive enquiry into the political economy of New Labour. Consequently, by relying on remarkable findings which indicate the commonalities between New Labour and neoliberalism, this thesis advocates that although being different from the initial neoliberal stance of &lsquo / Thatcherism&rsquo / , New Labour perpetuates neoliberal hegemony insofar it takes neoliberal political economy&rsquo / s basic premises as for granted.

This study aims at understanding the discursiveness of T&uuml / rk-Is, Hak-Is and DISK against the neoliberal policies textually and discursively shaped by the governments and employers in the years between 1980 and 2003 in Turkey. In this sense, Norman Fairclough&#039 / s critical discourse analysis and Laclau and Mouffe&#039 / s discourse theory constitute the theoretical framework of this study. In this theoretical perspective, this study analyzes discourses of the labor confederations in four historical moments called January 24 measures (1980 coup), 1994 crisis, February 28 process and 2001 crisis. In each historical moment, governments and Turkish bourgeoisie have produced new hegemonic discourses and texts in order to construct the actors and circumstances of working life under the influence of the global neoliberal order since 1980. Against this neoliberal construction of working life, texts and counter-discourses of these labor confederations become important in order to understand their hegemonic capacities. In this context, this study portrays the relation among governments, employers and the labor confederations in a hegemonic relation and argues that the hegemonic capacities of these labor confederations could not prevent construction of &#039 / new worker&#039 / as a prototype in the individualization and flexibilization of working life in the post 1980 Turkey.

This thesis analyzes the transformation of Islamism from an anti-systemic and oppositional force to a compliant and submissive political ideology. The thesis locates the approach towards established political and economic relations at its centre. The thesis argues that the transformation, which led to formation of the Justice and Development Party, has begun in the late 1980s and early 1990s. To give the contours of this transformation, the thesis presents a detailed analysis of anti-systemic and systemic phases of Islamism in Turkey. The thesis tries to demonstrate this transformation through focusing on the major debates within the Islamist intellectual circles. The study suggests thinking the transformation of Islamism together with themes such as neoliberal globalization, postmodernism and multiculturalism. The thesis points out that, Islamism of the 1970s and 1980s, which can be considered as a form of Third Worldist populism has been gradually transformed into an ordinary, conservative ideology.

This thesis examines the historical process which led to the signing of the Customs Union Agreement/Decision between the EU and Turkey. For not only is the positive economic impact of the Customs Union on Turkish economy rather questionable, but also it has meant clear political losses for the country as she had to surrender her trade autonomy and gave significant concessions in the Cyprus issue to make the EU approve it. Via the Customs Union which was introduced by Turkish authorities as a stepping stone to the EU membership, Turkey indeed suppressed all industrial custom duties in her trade with the EU and has started implementing EU tariffs in her trade with the third countries, losing in return a significant diplomatic stake to be used in her full membership negotiations with the EU. This study attempts to analyze different perceptions in Turkey over this issue since the 1970s in order to understand why this unfortunate decision was taken without even the approval of the National Assembly. It will finally argue that besides the incumbent Government&rsquo / s short-term electoral expectations, the Customs Union has paved the way for Turkey&rsquo / s one-sided integration to the EU legislation within the chaotic political atmosphere of the 1990s, and hence helped limit the economic, if not the political, policy options of any future government. Thus, the Customs Union was not about trade relations only but ensured a more comprehensive framework for political action that locked in Turkey&rsquo / s policy choices to a neoliberal path in a rapidly changing global and domestic political atmosphere.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Canterbury, 2008. / Typescript (photocopy). Includes bibliographical references (leaves 79-91). Also available via the World Wide Web.

Thesis (All-College Honors) - - State University of New York College at Cortland, 2008 - - Department of History. / Includes bibliographical references (p.42-4).

This study is about Tunisian women's work and lives in the present era of economic neoliberalism. The focus is women in the city of Bizerte, Tunisia, both those who work in Bizerte's export processing zone (EPZ), as well as those who work outside it. This study is a qualitative examination of formal and informal employment, set inside and outside of women's traditional political and economic domain, the home. Through ethnography of women's work and lives, this study's purpose is to contribute evidence against conflating women's "empowerment" with incorporation into global production. However, this study also lends itself to considerations of the possibilities for exertions of power, powers that women in Bizerte now seek that opened through the forces of globalization.

Since Washington Consensus policies became predominant in the 1980s, two sides of the economic globalization debate have developed: advocates claim that trade liberalization, deregulation, privatization and reduced state spending increase growth and therefore reduce poverty, while critics claim that levels of poverty and income disparity have worsened at the same time that social welfare and education programs have suffered budget cuts. Over the past decade, as many Latin Americans have failed to see promised results to alleviate poverty stemming from the "lost decade" of the 1980s (and beyond), they have elected "leftist" presidents that campaigned on anti-economic globalization (or anti-neoliberal) platforms in Venezuela, Brazil, Ecuador, Argentina, Uruguay and most recently, Bolivia. In order to examine whether policies pursued by these leftward-leaning presidents present a potential development alternative to the policies of economic globalization, my methodology is a case study of Argentina. The study is longitudinal; it first examines the Washington Consensus policies as Argentine President Carlos Menem applied them in the 1990s. It then investigates the policies of the current president, Néstor Kirchner, in an effort to determine if his policies constitute an alternative model of development for Argentina after the economic crash of December 2001/January 2002. The study finds that, while President Kirchner has taken a firm stance with the IMF and creditors, his polices do not represent a clear break with economic globalization. Kirchner has instituted new policies to ameliorate poverty and the effects of globalization, but he has renegotiated and paid external debt (rather than directing that money to domestic programs) and continues to work with companies privatized by Menem. President Kirchner more aptly presents a model that walks a fine line between economic globalization and national development.