This study explores the impact of neoliberal education policies on the discourses of citizenship and citizenship education in an Australian citizenship education project entitled 'Discovering Democracy School Materials.' This project is the largest national curriculum development project in Australia and represents the official discourses of citizenship in Australia. The materials were developed in response to concern about the poor understanding of civics and citizenship in Australia and the lack of quality citizenship education materials and background information for teachers. The scope of the study was managed by focusing on a corpus of twelve text groups, selected from the materials because they related to the environment - an area of citizenship of interest to young people and which allows consideration of recent trends in the practice of citizenship. An approach to critical discourse analysis recommended by Fairclough (1992) was used. This involved a three-step process of identifying and analysing: (i) the discourse evident in the words in the text, (ii) the processes of production, dissemination and consumption of the texts, and (iii) the contextual social and cultural practices that influenced the development of the text. There were six steps in the discourse analysis. The first involved identifying the corpus related to the environment. The second was to identify and describe the discourses of citizenship and citizenship education evident in the text. The third involved interviewing key participants in the processes of text production, dissemination and consumption to ascertain their perceptions of the discourses evident in the texts. The fourth was an analysis of these interviews to interpret the discourses participants acknowledged as being within the text and the discursive practices that operated to establish those discourses. The sixth was an explanation of the impact of neoliberalism on the development of the materials. The results indicate that two discourses of citizenship and citizenship education were dominant within the materials - Legal Status and Public Practice. The same two discourses were evident in the interviews with key participants in the processes of text production, dissemination and consumption. In all cases, the materials lacked any evidence of the citizenship or citizenship education discourses of Democratic Identity, World Citizenship and Democratic Participation, although Democratic Identity was a minor aspect of one of the twelve text groups. A range of discursive practices related to neoliberalism was identified as influential on this pattern of discourses. Perceptions of teacher deficiency were influential in the process of text production as was the power of key individuals and groups such as the national education minister and his department, a government-appointed Civics Education Group, the Curriculum Corporation and, to a much lesser extent, teacher professional associations. Two discursive practices were influenced in text dissemination: the materials were provided free of charge to all schools and extensive professional development was provided. These provided significant inducements to teachers to use the materials. Discursive practices operating in the process of text consumption provided added inducement by showing teachers how to select key components of the materials for local use. However, this concern for local context was undermined by the extreme strength of the presentation of what counts as legitimate citizenship and the lack of opportunity for alternative or resistant readings of the texts. Three aspects of neoliberalism were seen as especially influential in these discursive practices - the strong focus on the development of legitimate knowledge, marketisation, and an emphasis on the need for evaluation. The study concludes with an examination of the implications of the findings to identify recommendations for teachers, teacher educators, materials developers and opportunities for further research.

<p><p><p>Swedish school system is today victim of facing competition. Today sees the school leadership the students like customers whom they depend to operate their school. But I have asked myself, what will be the new students see and how much this spectacle in both money and time that project will cost for the municipality and school teachers. The question is if whether the school will be better when the competition becomes school or just better marketed? I'm interested in how clearly ideologies emerge in schools brochures if we study them at critically and analytically way.<strong> </strong>I will study how the independent schools present themselves and what ideas they describe. Can we see the ideological arguments that Reagan and Thatcher had in the 80s who proved their controlled Swedish politicians argued in the 90s in the published material from the Swedish Independent schools today? Independent schools can be seen as vanguards in the Swedish school policy. The Neoliberal winds blowing can probably be best reflected by the private sector in pursuit of the student base. At the same time, the independent schools on the side of the ideologies that best describe the Neoliberal doctrine.</p><p>I'm interested in how and how societal change is implemented and how clear ideologies reflected in school materials in their struggle to become winners in the Swedish context of market adjustment. I will be studying the brochures from an ideology critical approach that highlights the ideological formulations that can be traced back to the basic ideology.</p></p></p>

The ideological change within the Chilean military before and after the coup in 1973 is the central issue of this article. Before the developments in the early 1970s, the cardinal mindset of the military leaders was one of a state-run evolution of society. After the coup, this thinking changed rapidly into a neoliberal kind. How could this happen? Which explanations have been and which should be discussed? These questions are answered and it is shown that the military itself played a bigger role than previously thought.

Brazil was confronted with high inflation while implementing neoliberal economic policies which were imposed as a panacea to the debt crisis during the process of transition to democracy since 1985. In this context, implementation of structural adjustment and stabilization programs further deteriorated its already unequal distribution of income and exposed the poor to devastating effects of the intermittent crises which were in turn the result of macro-economic policies pursued. Conditional cash transfers which were started to be made in 1995 to extremely poor people against the effects of crises by a few local governments were subsequently expanded in terms of its scope and geography. From 2004 onwards, it was begun to be implemented in the whole country under the title of Bolsa Familia, by President Lula, PT (Labor Party) leader who came to power after the 2002 elections. The program had two objectives: 1. Immediate relief of poverty through the transfer of income, 2. To get people out of poverty and to prevent intergenerational transmission of poverty through conditionalities based on education and health services. Positive impacts were observed in relation to the achievement of the first goal / but the outcomes of the studies on the second goal are not promising. So, the aim of this thesis is to investigate whether the second goal is realizable by examining these studies and their outcomes with reference to the causes of poverty / and to determine the relationship between our results and structural limitations of the program.

Brazil was confronted with high inflation while implementing neoliberal economic policies which were imposed as a panacea to the debt crisis during the process of transition to democracy since 1985. In this context, implementation of structural adjustment and stabilization programs further deteriorated its already unequal distribution of income and exposed the poor to devastating effects of the intermittent crises which were in turn the result of macro-economic policies pursued. Conditional cash transfers which were started to be made in 1995 to extremely poor people against the effects of crises by a few local governments were subsequently expanded in terms of its scope and geography. From 2004 onwards, it was begun to be implemented in the whole country under the title of Bolsa Familia, by President Lula, PT (Labor Party) leader who came to power after the 2002 elections. The program had two objectives: 1. Immediate relief of poverty through the transfer of income, 2. To get people out of poverty and to prevent intergenerational transmission of poverty through conditionalities based on education and health services. Positive impacts were observed in relation to the achievement of the first goal / but the outcomes of the studies on the second goal are not promising. So, the aim of this thesis is to investigate whether the second goal is realizable by examining these studies and their outcomes with reference to the causes of poverty / and to determine the relationship between our results and structural limitations of the program.

The instance of rice aid in Haiti definitively demands a reevaluation of humanitarian aid in today's world. In this thesis, I will outline the effects of rice aid on Haitian society and theoretically analyze humanitarian aid’s presence in “developing” countries. In addition to ruining many Haitian farmers' livelihoods, rice imports have aggravated Haiti's economic situation and national stability, the consequences of which have fallen primarily on the poor woman. I focus on the effects on the peasant woman in this thesis. Food insecurity remains a crisis. Throughout my thesis, I draw from the texts of scholars Slavoj Zizek, Jacques Rancière, and Noam Chomsky, in order to attempt at understanding what is really going on here. Such theorists illuminate the historical and theoretical analysis of humanitarian aid and the concept of human rights that said-aid seeks to protect. The purpose of my thesis is to shed new light on the business of humanitarian aid, using rice in Haiti as a case study of sorts. I seek to uncover the role international donor institutions have played in reinforcing the fragile state in Haiti as a result of rice aid, arguing that humanitarian aid has done more to prevent than to inspire sustainable progress in Haiti especially in rural Haiti that continually gets hit the hardest during economic crises such as the one brought on by humanitarian aid in the form of rice.

Using the specific case of Rupert Murdoch's satellite operations, this thesis examines changes and trends in U.S. and Chinese satellite media policies under the diffusion of neoliberal globalization. Over the last two decades, the landscape of the global media market has been transformed by the force of transnational media conglomerates coupled with unprecedented technological innovation, including satellite telecommunications. Murdoch's satellite operations in the U.S. and China were synchronous with this process and therefore illustrate the trajectories of these two countries' media policies under different ideologies. This historical case study, which covers 1983 to the end of 2006 in the U.S. and 1993 to June 2008 in China, demonstrates that, in order to strengthen political power and capital power, both the U.S. and Chinese media industries are going forward to corporatism in two different ways.

My thesis explores the knowledge, subjectivities and work performances that activist social workers bring to their practice in Ontario, Canada during a period of workplace restructuring that includes cuts to services, work intensification, increased surveillance and the evolving discourses of neoliberalism. A key aspect of my dissertation is the exploration of tensions between the attachments, desires and aspirations of the activist social work self and what that self must do every day to get by. I am interested in how it is that social workers produce and maintain their sense of identities – their integrity, ethics and responsibilities as activists – while also managing to navigate the contradictions of restructured workplaces. My aim is to understand not how power in the form of restructuring policies is imposed on people, but rather, how power acts through subjects who find themselves both implicated in, and struggling to resist neoliberal restructuring. My research lens draws on Michel Foucault’s ideas about governmentality and on feminist poststructural, critical race, and postcolonial theories. I use these theories to see neoliberal strategies of rule as working in diffuse ways through social and health service workplaces, encouraging service providers to see themselves as individualized and active subjects responsible for particular performances that enact specific types of change. My research findings reveal that activist social workers respond to neoliberal strategies of rule in multiple ways while constituting themselves through a variety of competing discourses that exist in their lives. Social workers subjectivities appear to be produced through a range of discourses drawn from their family histories, unique biographies and the intersections of socially produced distinctions that are based on gender, race, class, sexuality, age and nationalism. My dissertation traces some of the many ways that social workers position themselves within and beyond the changing context of neoliberalism. In doing so, my research reveals tentative pathways for building critical resistance practices and suggests future social welfare measures that are based on social justice and equity.

This thesis focuses on the effects of neoliberal economic and social policies in Bolivia and their role in the feminization of poor indigenous migration. The thesis argues that these neoliberal policies most deeply affect poor indigenous women in Bolivia forcing them to migrate in order to provide for their families. Through migration, women become transnational mothers ( mothers across national borders). Based on interviews conducted in both Bolivian and Argneinta with migrant women, the thesis uses the experiences of these women in order to examine both the short and long-term effects of this on "culture" and mother-child relationships as well as southern cone relationships and inequalities.

My thesis explores the knowledge, subjectivities and work performances that activist social workers bring to their practice in Ontario, Canada during a period of workplace restructuring that includes cuts to services, work intensification, increased surveillance and the evolving discourses of neoliberalism. A key aspect of my dissertation is the exploration of tensions between the attachments, desires and aspirations of the activist social work self and what that self must do every day to get by. I am interested in how it is that social workers produce and maintain their sense of identities – their integrity, ethics and responsibilities as activists – while also managing to navigate the contradictions of restructured workplaces. My aim is to understand not how power in the form of restructuring policies is imposed on people, but rather, how power acts through subjects who find themselves both implicated in, and struggling to resist neoliberal restructuring. My research lens draws on Michel Foucault’s ideas about governmentality and on feminist poststructural, critical race, and postcolonial theories. I use these theories to see neoliberal strategies of rule as working in diffuse ways through social and health service workplaces, encouraging service providers to see themselves as individualized and active subjects responsible for particular performances that enact specific types of change. My research findings reveal that activist social workers respond to neoliberal strategies of rule in multiple ways while constituting themselves through a variety of competing discourses that exist in their lives. Social workers subjectivities appear to be produced through a range of discourses drawn from their family histories, unique biographies and the intersections of socially produced distinctions that are based on gender, race, class, sexuality, age and nationalism. My dissertation traces some of the many ways that social workers position themselves within and beyond the changing context of neoliberalism. In doing so, my research reveals tentative pathways for building critical resistance practices and suggests future social welfare measures that are based on social justice and equity.