Using the specific case of Rupert Murdoch's satellite operations, this thesis examines changes and trends in U.S. and Chinese satellite media policies under the diffusion of neoliberal globalization. Over the last two decades, the landscape of the global media market has been transformed by the force of transnational media conglomerates coupled with unprecedented technological innovation, including satellite telecommunications. Murdoch's satellite operations in the U.S. and China were synchronous with this process and therefore illustrate the trajectories of these two countries' media policies under different ideologies. This historical case study, which covers 1983 to the end of 2006 in the U.S. and 1993 to June 2008 in China, demonstrates that, in order to strengthen political power and capital power, both the U.S. and Chinese media industries are going forward to corporatism in two different ways.

Will community television one day be lamented in the same way as the Glenn Valley Bridge Club in Pennsylvania, where no one remains 'who can tell us precisely when or why the group broke up' (Putnam, 2000: 15)? Robert Putnam's bestseller Bowling Alone proposed that people 'need to reconnect with one another' and rebuild their communities for the good of society. Although he may not have succeeded in instigating a revival of lawn bowls and bridge, Putnam did spark a debate about the meaning of "community" today and its role in bringing about positive social change. At a time when the communications landscape is set to transform with the introduction of digital broadcasting technology, this thesis looks at the status of community broadcasting and its role within civil society. Taking Australia's community television sector as its starting point, it aims to define the pressures, public philosophies and policy decisions that make community broadcasting what it is. This thesis is structured thematically and geographically. The introductory chapters establish the research question in relation to Australia's community broadcasting sector. As well as tracing the intellectual path of community media studies, it sets out to locate community broadcasting within broader intellectual debates around notions of community, governance and the media. These are brought back to the "on-the-ground" reality throughout the thesis by means of policy analysis, interviews and anecdotal evidence. Chapters Three to Five map out the themes of access, the public interest and development by reference to community broadcasting in different regions. In North America I explore notions of free speech and first-come-first served models of access. In Europe, notions of "quality", public service broadcasting and the difficult relationship that community broadcasting has with public interest values. Through the Third World and the Third Way I examine how community broadcasting is implicated within development discourse and ideas of social change. The final chapter of the thesis moves into the virtual region of the Internet, looking at changing notions of access and the relevance of new communications rationales to the community broadcasting project. At the intersection of the various themes and models discussed throughout the thesis exists a strong rationale for the future of community broadcasting. Although new technologies may be interpreted as the beginning of the end of community broadcasting, I have argued that in fact it is an idea whose time has come.

Os conglomerados de comunicação social no Brasil são o retrato acabado de um sistema territorialmente capilarizado e institucionalmente centralizado. A análise do panorama dos meios de comunicação no Brasil, baseada na plataforma digital do Projeto Donos da Mídia, revelou que a influência direta ou indireta das 54 redes de rádio e televisão controladas pelos por esses conglomerados atinge mais de 25% dos 9.477 veículos de comunicação identificados pelo projeto. Algumas destas organizações encabeçam um sistema marcado por cinco condicionantes: tripla concentração econômica (diagonal, vertical e horizontal), controle das redes de distribuição, penetração regional, presença histórica e relações políticas. Ao mesmo tempo, suas empresas atuam simultaneamente em quatro dimensões: econômica, política, histórica e simbólica. Quando reunidas, as duas características configuram um modelo a que se propõe chamar de Sistema Central de Mídia. Esta dissertação permitiu a identificação de dez conglomerados que ocupam tal posição. Eles controlam, direta ou indiretamente, 12 redes de televisão, 9 de rádio e 1.310 veículos de comunicação, 14% da base identificada pela pesquisa. Conhecer a forma de organização que permite às empresas de mídia conquistar e manter posições no mercado nacional parece interessar especialmente no momento em que a convergência tecnológica vem reduzindo as distâncias entre os agentes da área das comunicações do Brasil e do exterior.Conhecer a forma de organização que permite às empresas de mídia conquistar e manter posições no mercado nacional parece interessar especialmente no momento em que a convergência tecnológica vem reduzindo as distâncias entre os agentes da área das comunicações do Brasil e do exterior. / Brazil´s social communication conglomerates are the finished portrayal of a system territorially spreaded and institutionally centered. The media analysis, based on the digital platform of the Donos da Mídia Project, evidenced that more than 25% of the 9,477 vehicles of communication identified by the project are directly or indirectly influenced by 54 radio and TV networks. These are top organisations in a system defined by five conditions: triple economic concentration (diagonal, vertical and horizontal), network distribution control, regional penetration, historical presence and political relations. At the same time, its companies act simultaneously in four dimensions: economic, politics, symbolic and historical. Taken together these two characteristics configure the Media Central System model. This dissertation has identificatified ten conglomerates within this model. They control, directly or indirectly, 12 television networks, 9 of radio and 1,310 vehicles of communication, in total 14% of the base identified for the research. Understanding how media companies organize themselves to gain and consolidate market share is particularly interesting considering the reduced distance between the Brazilian and foreigners agents of communications as a result of technological convergence.

Os conglomerados de comunicação social no Brasil são o retrato acabado de um sistema territorialmente capilarizado e institucionalmente centralizado. A análise do panorama dos meios de comunicação no Brasil, baseada na plataforma digital do Projeto Donos da Mídia, revelou que a influência direta ou indireta das 54 redes de rádio e televisão controladas pelos por esses conglomerados atinge mais de 25% dos 9.477 veículos de comunicação identificados pelo projeto. Algumas destas organizações encabeçam um sistema marcado por cinco condicionantes: tripla concentração econômica (diagonal, vertical e horizontal), controle das redes de distribuição, penetração regional, presença histórica e relações políticas. Ao mesmo tempo, suas empresas atuam simultaneamente em quatro dimensões: econômica, política, histórica e simbólica. Quando reunidas, as duas características configuram um modelo a que se propõe chamar de Sistema Central de Mídia. Esta dissertação permitiu a identificação de dez conglomerados que ocupam tal posição. Eles controlam, direta ou indiretamente, 12 redes de televisão, 9 de rádio e 1.310 veículos de comunicação, 14% da base identificada pela pesquisa. Conhecer a forma de organização que permite às empresas de mídia conquistar e manter posições no mercado nacional parece interessar especialmente no momento em que a convergência tecnológica vem reduzindo as distâncias entre os agentes da área das comunicações do Brasil e do exterior.Conhecer a forma de organização que permite às empresas de mídia conquistar e manter posições no mercado nacional parece interessar especialmente no momento em que a convergência tecnológica vem reduzindo as distâncias entre os agentes da área das comunicações do Brasil e do exterior. / Brazil´s social communication conglomerates are the finished portrayal of a system territorially spreaded and institutionally centered. The media analysis, based on the digital platform of the Donos da Mídia Project, evidenced that more than 25% of the 9,477 vehicles of communication identified by the project are directly or indirectly influenced by 54 radio and TV networks. These are top organisations in a system defined by five conditions: triple economic concentration (diagonal, vertical and horizontal), network distribution control, regional penetration, historical presence and political relations. At the same time, its companies act simultaneously in four dimensions: economic, politics, symbolic and historical. Taken together these two characteristics configure the Media Central System model. This dissertation has identificatified ten conglomerates within this model. They control, directly or indirectly, 12 television networks, 9 of radio and 1,310 vehicles of communication, in total 14% of the base identified for the research. Understanding how media companies organize themselves to gain and consolidate market share is particularly interesting considering the reduced distance between the Brazilian and foreigners agents of communications as a result of technological convergence.

Os conglomerados de comunicação social no Brasil são o retrato acabado de um sistema territorialmente capilarizado e institucionalmente centralizado. A análise do panorama dos meios de comunicação no Brasil, baseada na plataforma digital do Projeto Donos da Mídia, revelou que a influência direta ou indireta das 54 redes de rádio e televisão controladas pelos por esses conglomerados atinge mais de 25% dos 9.477 veículos de comunicação identificados pelo projeto. Algumas destas organizações encabeçam um sistema marcado por cinco condicionantes: tripla concentração econômica (diagonal, vertical e horizontal), controle das redes de distribuição, penetração regional, presença histórica e relações políticas. Ao mesmo tempo, suas empresas atuam simultaneamente em quatro dimensões: econômica, política, histórica e simbólica. Quando reunidas, as duas características configuram um modelo a que se propõe chamar de Sistema Central de Mídia. Esta dissertação permitiu a identificação de dez conglomerados que ocupam tal posição. Eles controlam, direta ou indiretamente, 12 redes de televisão, 9 de rádio e 1.310 veículos de comunicação, 14% da base identificada pela pesquisa. Conhecer a forma de organização que permite às empresas de mídia conquistar e manter posições no mercado nacional parece interessar especialmente no momento em que a convergência tecnológica vem reduzindo as distâncias entre os agentes da área das comunicações do Brasil e do exterior.Conhecer a forma de organização que permite às empresas de mídia conquistar e manter posições no mercado nacional parece interessar especialmente no momento em que a convergência tecnológica vem reduzindo as distâncias entre os agentes da área das comunicações do Brasil e do exterior. / Brazil´s social communication conglomerates are the finished portrayal of a system territorially spreaded and institutionally centered. The media analysis, based on the digital platform of the Donos da Mídia Project, evidenced that more than 25% of the 9,477 vehicles of communication identified by the project are directly or indirectly influenced by 54 radio and TV networks. These are top organisations in a system defined by five conditions: triple economic concentration (diagonal, vertical and horizontal), network distribution control, regional penetration, historical presence and political relations. At the same time, its companies act simultaneously in four dimensions: economic, politics, symbolic and historical. Taken together these two characteristics configure the Media Central System model. This dissertation has identificatified ten conglomerates within this model. They control, directly or indirectly, 12 television networks, 9 of radio and 1,310 vehicles of communication, in total 14% of the base identified for the research. Understanding how media companies organize themselves to gain and consolidate market share is particularly interesting considering the reduced distance between the Brazilian and foreigners agents of communications as a result of technological convergence.

Thesis (MPhil (Journalism))--Stellenbosch University, 2007. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: During Gulf War II, the American government implemented new media policies which, due to their potentially manipulative impact, became a subject of concern to academics, social commentators and the media alike. Key to these policies was the Department of Defense's Embedded Media Program which allowed hundreds of selected reporters to accompany US forces to the war front. The US openly tried to win international support for the war, and critics felt that this policy was designed to saturate the media with reports supporting the American point of view. This study examines these policies, the history of war reporting as a separate news genre, as well as the fluctuating relations between the US military and the media. Because of the US media policies, the fact that only one South African newspaper reporter was in Iraq during Operation Iraqi Freedom phase of the war and South African newspapers' consequent reliance on foreign news sources, there was a real possibility that the American position would be propagated in the local press. To test whether this was the case, the way the war was reported on in four leading South African newspapers is examined in terms of gatekeeping, agendasetting and framing. Using an adapted version op Propp's fairytale analysis as a standard, it compares the slant and content of the South African coverage to the way four senior US government officials presented the war. Also, the coverage of the newspapers is compared to one another. The analyses indicate that while most of the information published by the newspapers came from American sources, the news reports generally did not mirror the US standpoint, but instead criticised President Bush and the war on Iraq. Neither the frequency of the newspapers, nor its cultural background showed any correlation with the way the war was depicted by the different newspapers. It is therefore concluded that while the US might have been successful in their attempt to "occupy the media territory" in terms of sources cited, they were not able to sway the opinion of the South African press in their favour. However, the US is aware of these failures and plans to rectify the mistakes made in Gulf War II by means of proactive global operations started in times of peace. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Tydens die Tweede Golfoorlog het die Amerikaanse regering 'n nuwe mediabeleid ingestel wat weens die potensieel manipulerende impak daarvan ’n bron van kommer vir akademici, sosiale kommentators en die media self geword het. Sentraal tot hierdie nuwe beleid was die Departement van Verdediging se sogenaamde "Embedded Media Program" wat honderde uitgesoekte joernaliste toegelaat het om Amerikaanse magte na die oorlogsfront te vergesel. Die VSA het openlik probeer om internasionale steun vir die oorlog te werf en kritici het gevoel dat dié beleid ontwerp is om die media met nuusberigte wat die Amerikaanse standpunt steun, te versadig. Hierdie studie ondersoek dié beleid, die geskiedenis van oorlogsverslaggewing as afsonderlike nuus-genre, asook die wisselvallige verhouding tussen die Amerikaanse weermag en die media. Weens die Amerikaanse mediabeleid, die feit dat slegs een Suid-Afrikaanse koerantverslaggewer tydens die Operation Iraqi Freedom fase van die oorlog in Irak was en Suid-Afrikaanse koerante gevolglik van buitelandse nuusbronne afhanklik was, was daar 'n werklike moontlikheid dat die Amerikaanse posisie deur die plaaslike pers gepropageer kon word. Om te toets of dit die geval was, is die manier waarop in vier vooraanstaande Suid-Afrikaanse koerante oor die oorlog berig is, ondersoek in terme van hekwagterskap, agendastelling en raamskepping. Deur 'n aangepaste weergawe van Propp se feëverhaalanalise as maatstaf te gebruik, is die neiging en inhoud van die Suid- Afrikaanse dekking vergelyk met die manier waarop vier senior Amerikaanse amptenare die oorlog voorgehou het. Die koerante se dekking is ook met mekaar vergelyk. Die analises wys dat hoewel die meeste van die inligting wat deur die koerante gepubliseer is van Amerikaanse bronne kom, die nuusberigte oor die algemeen nie die Amerikaanse standpunt weerspieël nie, maar eerder krities teenoor President Bush en die oorlog teen Irak is. Nie die frekwensie van die koerante of die kulturele agtergrond daarvan het enige korrelasie getoon met die manier waarop die oorlog deur die verskillende koerante uitgebeeld is nie. Die gevolgtrekking word gemaak dat hoewel die VSA moontlik daarin geslaag het om die "mediaterrein te okkupeer" in terme van aangehaalde bronne, het hulle nie daarin geslaag om die Suid-Afrikaanse pers se opinie in hul guns te swaai nie. Die VSA is egter bewus van die foute wat tydens die Tweede Golfoorlog gemaak is en beplan om dit deur middel van proaktiewe globale operasies in vredestyd reg te stel.

「傳媒外部性」是指傳媒在生產其內容、或閱聽人於消費該內容的過程中，對於非關該市場交易之第三人產生影響，致使傳媒活動可能侵害第三人的權益，抑或可能創生公共利益的現象。作為一種傳播效果，以及一種構成市場失靈、從而需要公共政策介入的概念工具，「傳媒外部性」可以作為聯繫「傳播效果」與「媒介政策」的研究橋樑，因此對於拓展跨學科的溝通，具有潛在貢獻。 外部性是衍生自主流經濟學的概念，其測量無法不涉及量化指標（如貨幣），惟本研究亦闡明：該概念之內涵不可能、亦不應該完全以量化標準來看待；就此檢討後，本研究參照公法學教授Edwin Baker所提之十種傳媒外部性類目，同時酌量採納傳播效果研究的部分成果，提出本研究分析傳媒外部性的類目指標，並試圖使經濟學與傳播研究在對話中，能豐富各自的內涵。 透過相關文獻的檢視與分類，並針對《壹週刊》內容所創生的外部性予以歸納分析，本研究將歷來對於傳媒外部性的回應方式，分做三類八種。第一類是指行政立法部門的「傳播政策」回應，又可略分為宏觀結構管制（傳播哲學、產權與財源的確立）、微觀結構管制（庇古稅及津貼）、經由政府授權以形成三方對傳媒的共管，以及對傳媒內容的規範等；第二類則為民事與刑事等對於特定傳媒內容之「司法仲裁」回應；第三類回應則涉及「市場規則」，又可略分為媒體素養課程之推廣、媒體監督組織的運作、及傳媒與外部性承受者間的私下協商等。由於傳播政策可以是統合或中介前述三類回應的關鍵，本研究最後就公共政策介入以創生優質傳媒環境的作用，提出初步的反省。 / During the production and consumption process of media content, a certain ‘media externality’ is inevitably created that may benefit or harm the third parties who actually are not present in the market exchange relationship between the producers and their audience. Therefore it’s reasonable to conceive ‘media externality’ as one aspect of communication effects, and as a factor that contributes to market failure, as such, this thesis suggests that we employ ‘media externality’ as a conceptual tool bridging ‘communication research’ and ‘media-policy research’ in a way that both disciplines can contribute to each other. To measure ‘externality’, it’s not possible that quantitative indicators such as ‘money’ be not invoked, meanwhile it’s neither desirable nor feasible if economic calculation or consideration exhausts what we mean by ‘media externality’. Having established this methodological principle, and in addition to bringing in relevant communication effect researches, the author builds and expands upon Edwin Baker’s categorization and proposes my own framework for measuring ‘media externality’. It is hoped that communication science and economics can enrich respective tradition via this dialogue. The ‘Next Weekly’ is then subject to a careful investigation and its externality is subsequently assessed. In all, to deal with media externalities, three models with eight variants can be discerned. To begin with, there is a ‘policy dimension’ comprising macro-structural regulation that attends to communication philosophy, arrangements of media property rights and finances of media production. The second policy element is of a micro-structural regulation nature, including Pigouvian tax or subsidy. Also, the state may stipulate that its regulatory power be shared with the industry and the audience’ alike. The second model indicates civilian or criminal lawsuits. Lastly there is a market response to media externality, be it the promotion of media literacy, operations of media watch groups or individual victim’s compromise with the media. This thesis ends in a reflection, since by its definition communication policy is bound to step in all the other variants, that evaluates the relationship between public policy and a more healthy media ecology.

This qualitative study focuses on how social media policies and guidelines are used in practice within nine different Swedish industrial B2B companies. This study identifies their social media policies and guidelines in order to examine its content and investigates how the participating companies use their social media policies and guidelines in their marketing activities according to the interviewees. A qualitative research method with nine semi-structured interviews has been conducted and analyzed with a thematic analysis by using research and theory within the chosen subject.The findings of this study reveals that the companies have social media policies and guidelines in place in order to satisfy different needs, hence, some of the companies use it as a fundamental framework, while other companies incorporate it to a greater extent and use it as a way of handling risks.Through its managerial and social media policies and guidelines implications, this study contributes to the identified research gap regarding how social media policies and guidelines usage in B2B industries by providing insights from practice.

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