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Background: Understanding the relationship of education to fertility requires the disentangling of the potentially confounding effect of social status, which is highly correlated with education. Objective: We contribute to this aim by examining educational fertility differentials within occupational groups and industries across a broad swath of Central and Eastern Europe, specifically Austria, Greece, Hungary, Romania, Slovenia, and Switzerland. Methods: Cross-sectional individual-level census samples from the Integrated Public Use Microdata Series (IPUMS) are sufficiently large to contain sizeable numbers of unusual combinations, e.g., university graduates in low-status jobs or primary school dropouts in professional categories. Completed cohort fertility, as well as the share childless and with high parity, are regressed on effects for educational attainment, occupation, industry, and all their interactions within a Bayesian framework, and the contributions to the outcome variation are analysed. Results: Education has a strong, consistent association with fertility outcomes when industry and occupation are held constant. Furthermore, fertility by industry and occupation yields fairly disparate patterns. We also find that differences in completed fertility across countries can be attributed to country-specific compositional differences in education, industry, and occupation, and to interaction effects. However, differences by country in the baseline rate of childlessness and high parity cannot be attributed to such compositional effects. Conclusions: The educational fertility gradient in the settings studied cannot be attributed to an occupational composition effect. (authors' abstract)

Motherhood has been described as an identity, a role, and a way of participating in life (Arendell, 2000; Farber, 2004). Motherhood has also been described as 'work', the care taking, nurturing and teaching of children (Francis-Connolly, 2000). Mothers with arthritis have reported difficulty in the tasks of parenting and household work (Allaire et al., 1991; Backman, Kennedy, Chalmers & Singer, 2004; Barlow, Cullen, Foster, Harrison & Wade, 1999; Grant, Cullen & Barlow, 2000; Reisine, Grady, Goodenow & Fifield, 1998), however, we know little about how a mother experiences these challenges. While the subjective experience of being a mother and having a disability is intrinsically linked to participation, health and social interaction (Farber, 2004), research has not been conducted on how mothers with arthritis experience mothering in the presence of arthritis, and how this experience affects their participation, identity and social interaction. This narrative research study asks "How is being a mother and doing motherhood activities affected by your arthritis?" Study objectives include: 1) Describe mothers' experiences of nurturing, teaching and caring for their children. 2) Describe how mothers understand and explain the effect of arthritis on their role of mother. 3) Describe whether or not this understanding changes how mothers participate and interact in their community. Narrative inquiry was used to explore the experiences of eight married mothers with inflammatory arthritis who have at least one child (aged 0-18) living at home. Purposive sampling allowed representation of families from different communities, with children of different ages. Data collection included two in-depth interviews, participant observation, document review, and fine art painting. Data was coded and analyzed using narrative inquiry techniques (Coffey & Atkinson, 1996; Riessman, 1993; Sandelowski, 1991). Overarching storylines are presented as narratives that describe the mother's experiences of identifying with the role of mother, participation, fatigue and the social context in which mothering occurs. This study contributes to the sparse body of literature on the impact of arthritis on participation in maternal practices and social interaction, informing health professionals about the experience of mothering with arthritis. / Medicine, Faculty of / Graduate

M.A. (Psychology) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

The expansionist agenda of the Polk administration culminated in the War with Mexico. The capture of Mexico City in September 1847 left the United States Army with the unprecedented task of occupying an enemy capital for an extended period. After the initial theaters of operation proved unable to secure a peace, Maj. Gen. Winfield Scott commenced a campaign to take central Mexico including the capital city. In March 1847, an army of 11,000 soldiers under Scott landed at Vera Cruz. In six months, Scott's army marched over 250 miles and won five major battles. In mid-September, Scott took Mexico City. Throughout the campaign, Scott attempted to implement a pacification plan in an effort to prompt Mexico to open peace negotiations. Concern for his army weighed heavily on him as he faced unprecedented challenges in occupying Mexico City after its capture. The United States simply had almost no experience in the ramifications of fighting a foreign war, other than a few brief small-scale incursions onto foreign soil at Tripoli in 1805 and in British Canada. The difficulties that arose for Scott from the situation in Mexico were frustrating. Scott pacification plan used conciliation, coercion, and force on Mexico's army and people in an effort to win the acceptance of the Mexican people. The success of his campaign depended on his army's ability to win battles while keeping Mexican civilian losses as low as possible. Scott devised a sophisticated pacification plan that was ahead of its time. This effort, together with his willingness to suspend operations after major battles to provide an opportunity for peace talks, reflected Scott's strategy. His goal was to end the war, not subjugate the Mexican people.

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