The expansionist agenda of the Polk administration culminated in the War with Mexico. The capture of Mexico City in September 1847 left the United States Army with the unprecedented task of occupying an enemy capital for an extended period. After the initial theaters of operation proved unable to secure a peace, Maj. Gen. Winfield Scott commenced a campaign to take central Mexico including the capital city. In March 1847, an army of 11,000 soldiers under Scott landed at Vera Cruz. In six months, Scott's army marched over 250 miles and won five major battles. In mid-September, Scott took Mexico City. Throughout the campaign, Scott attempted to implement a pacification plan in an effort to prompt Mexico to open peace negotiations. Concern for his army weighed heavily on him as he faced unprecedented challenges in occupying Mexico City after its capture. The United States simply had almost no experience in the ramifications of fighting a foreign war, other than a few brief small-scale incursions onto foreign soil at Tripoli in 1805 and in British Canada. The difficulties that arose for Scott from the situation in Mexico were frustrating. Scott pacification plan used conciliation, coercion, and force on Mexico's army and people in an effort to win the acceptance of the Mexican people. The success of his campaign depended on his army's ability to win battles while keeping Mexican civilian losses as low as possible. Scott devised a sophisticated pacification plan that was ahead of its time. This effort, together with his willingness to suspend operations after major battles to provide an opportunity for peace talks, reflected Scott's strategy. His goal was to end the war, not subjugate the Mexican people.

This thesis seeks to identify, describe, and analyze the tactics used by the 101st Airborne Division in the pacification of the Republic of Vietnam's Thua Thien province from 1968 to 1972. Despite the larger calamity of the Vietnam War, the 101st developed an effective set of measures against the Vietnamese communist insurgency. These measures depended largely on the ability of the division's lower-level units to attack the Viet Cong political infrastructure, provide security for Thua Thien's population, and build effective South Vietnamese territorial forces in their areas of operation following the communist 1968 Tet offensive. These findings are based on the official reports, orders, and records generated by the division during its service in Vietnam and currently stored in the National Archives in College Park, Maryland and U.S. Army's Military History Institute in Carlisle Barracks, Pennsylvania. Additionally, the Military History Institute's "Company Command in Vietnam" series of interviews conducted from 1982 to 1984 with officers who served in Vietnam provided valuable insight. This thesis looks at counterinsurgency practices at the lowest levels where theory and policy are translated into action. Operations Narrative: 3 September 1970. "At 0525 hours D Company, 3d Platoon had two frag grenades tossed into its night defensive position. A member of the platoon threw one of the grenades out of the position before it exploded. He jumped on the other grenade and covered it with his body. The grenade did not explode due to the fact that the safety had not been removed."1 I was inspired to undertake and complete this study by the courageous and fortunate soldier in 3rd Platoon, D Company, 3-187th Infantry and the thousands of others like him whose exploits I found in the footnotes of the Vietnam War. Their stories were resting uneasily as antiseptic fragments in a hundred reports, giving single-sentence snapshots of their part in a war many more clever people declared lost just as they began their fight in 1968. Their names are forgotten to time and their efforts largely relegated to obscurity by others who occupied a larger, grenade-free stage at much less personal risk. Still, they are the men we all want alongside us in our night defensive position. Their deeds are much easier to comment on than they were to perform. 1. Hq., 3-187 Infantry, "Combat After Action Report: Operation Texas Star, dated 20 September 1970," p. 5, Box 19, Command Reports, Assistant Chief of Staff Intelligence/Operations (S-2/3), 3d Battalion, 187th Infantry, Infantry Units, Record Group 472, National Archives and Records Administration II, College Park, MD.

The development of Taiwanese folk songs comprises not only cultural implication of Taiwan, but also the reflection of social phenomenon. The research of Taiwanese folk songs is the same as Taiwan history research. Through the meaning of those songs, we can comprehend the different ideologies and policies between each authority. In the research, we also can understand there are a lot of difficulties for Taiwanese in pursuing the democracy and seeking the belonging and identification. This research analyzed the Taiwanese folk songs with the political history in the background. There are various types of Taiwanese folk song in the history. For the research, I separate it into 3 periods: the Japanese colonization period (1895-1945), the Martial law period (1946-1986), and the rescind martial law up to the party turn-over period (1987-2000). This essay aims to understand the relevance between the Taiwanese folk songs and the state ruling, including constitutional order and policies. We also try to account for the effect of the state ruling as well as the surveillance and pacification on the society. Following this proposition, this studying can help us to understand the difference between the various regimes¡¦ organization and the cultural policies. What is the figuration of the development of Taiwan society? How the state affects the lives of people? How people question the legitimacy of state and expression their challenge in folk songs?

Peace negotiation is a complex political process used to end a conflict and establish peace. This thesis provides a qualitative analysis of the FARC-EP documents in preparation for the peace negotiations. Using Neocleous concept of pacification and Hannah Arendt’s concept of the political, I explored the ways in which the FARC-EP resist liberal peace by re-politicizing the conflict, addressing the sources of the inequalities and injustices generated by and for capitalism, and implying alternative ways of thinking about politics, power, justice and security to transform society. The analysis revealed that the FARC-EP thinks about peace and conflict resolution as a political process requiring social transformation of deep structural conditions through negotiation and deliberation in order to create a more just society. The FARC-EP conceptualizes peace as a complex political process that must be under local ownership and domestically rooted. In doing so, the FARC-EP addresses the root causes of the conflict by calling for transformative justice, replacing national security with integral security, extending politics beyond representative democracy and demanding equality to end the power imbalances that are so prominent in Colombia. By negotiating with the Colombian state, the FARC-EP accepts that not all their proposals will be implemented, given that it is in fact a negotiation. As a result, I conclude that peace negotiations can have the opposite effect and pacify political-military organizations in order to protect capitalist order after armed conflict has failed to succeed.

Dans le contexte historique des conflits casamançais (1982-2005), nous avons abordé le rapport entre l’institution de la royauté sacrée de Youtou et le rétablissement de l’ordre dans le village. L’intérêt scientifique de ce rapport tient à ce qu’il permet d’identifier la dynamique de changement d’un groupe - relevant plus précisément de l'ethnie joola-ajamaat -, au moment où il est confronté au conflit. À Youtou, la dévastation des quartiers de Kagar et de Kanokindo, l’exode de la population, la destruction et l’abandon des cultes ont profondément altéré la structure sociale et territoriale entre 1995 et 2005. L’analyse de cette période - qui constitue la dernière phase du conflit casamançais -, nous a permis de déterminer comment les espaces de pouvoirs, les O.N.G. et les institutions traditionnelles ont créé et recréé des représentations sociales favorables au retour de la paix. L’ingérence des institutions traditionnelles (le conseil d’anciens, les kulangaka, les jirembeyi, la royauté sacrée joola-ajamaat et l’assemblée villageoise) dans le processus de pacification du village a été décisive. Nous avons étudié avec une attention toute particulière l’institution de la royauté sacrée joola-ajamaat à partir du cas de Youtou, parce qu’il n’existe pas d’autre organisation dans ce peuple qui puisse intégrer simultanément et d'une manière très complexe le pouvoir politique et le pouvoir religieux. Nous avons examiné les fonctions de l'arambeu de Youtou et notamment celles qui touchent au rétablissement de l'ordre, à la gestion de la violence et à la médiation au cours de conflits à la lumière de la dialectique tradition-modernité. / : In the historical context of the conflict in Casamance (1982-2005), we have addressed the relationship between the institution of sacred royalty of Youtou and the restoration of order in that village. The scientific interest of this relationship is to identify the group’s dynamics of change specifically showing the Joola-ajamaat ethnic group – at the time when it is confronted with the conflict.In Youtou, the devastation of neighbourhoods’ Kagar and Kanokindo, the exodus of the population, the destruction and abandonment of the cults have altered deep social and territorial structure between 1995 and 2005. The analysis of this period – which is the last phase of the conflict in Casamance – has allowed us recognize the way in which the spaces of power, NGOs and traditional institutions have created and recreated social representations favourable to the return of peace.The meddling of traditional institutions (the Council of Elders, the kulangaka, the jirembeyi, Joola - ajamaat sacred royalty and the village assembly) in the process of pacification of people has been crucial.We have thoroughly studied the institution of Joola-ajamaat sacred royalty from Youtou’s case, because there’s no other organization in this village that can integrate simultaneously and in such a complex way the political power and religious power as well. We have examined functions arambeu of Youtou - and specially those affecting the restoration of order, the management of violence and mediation during conflicts in the light of the dialectic of tradition - modernity.

Ce travail étudie l’impact de la cyberlangue, induite par le développement des technologies de l’InfoCom, sur les situations de communication médiatisée, jusqu’à la ritualisation des interactions sur les dispositifs sociotechniques.Ce travail mobilise un pluralisme théorique et méthodologique, une approche quantitative et typologique. Il s’appuie sur un terrain de données nativement numériques sur un forum de discussion en ligne, dans le domaine de la téléréalité. En appui sur les concepts de langue et langage, réduction de l’incertitude, cyberlangue, dispositif, communauté, réseau, rites et ritualités, et sur les théories de la conversation, du lien social, du lien rituel, de la «posture intentionnelle » et les rites d’interaction en ligne, une étude exploratoire permet d’identifier des procédés d’écriture élaborés et créatifs et d’établir une typologie enrichie des marqueurs de la cyberlangue.Dans une enquête, la confrontation des usages aux représentations permet de comprendre la perception de la cyberlangue par les internautes. Dans les micro-communautés identifiées par la mesure des interactions, la présence des interacteurs, le poids et la concentration des marqueurs cyberlangue et la polarité du discours interactionnel, l’étude de situations rituelles permet d’identifier une typologie de rites d’interaction associés à certains marqueurs cyberlangue et de corréler les potentialités de pacification de la cyberlangue aux intentionnalités de distanciation et de compensation des interacteurs, dans une dynamique de coconstruction pour le maintien du lien social. / This study examines the impact of cyberlanguage, induced by the development of InfoCom technologies, on mediated communication situations, up to the ritualization of interactions on socio-technical devices. This work mobilizes a theoretical and methodological pluralism, a quantitative and typological approach. It relies on a native digital data field on an online discussion forum, in the field of reality show. In support of the concepts of language, reduction of uncertainty, cyber-language, device, community, network, rites and rituals, and the theories of conversation, social bond, ritual bond, "intentional posture" and online interaction rites, an exploratory study identifies elaborate and creative writing processes and establishes an enriched typology of cyberlanguage markers.In a survey, the confrontation of uses with representations makes it possible to understand the perception of the cyberlanguage by Internet users. In the micro-communities identified by the interactions measurements, the presence of interactors, the weight and concentration of cyberlanguage markers and the polarity of the interactional discourse, the study of ritual situations makes it possible to identify a typology of associated interaction rituals to certain cyberlanguage markers and to correlate the pacification potential of the cyberlanguage with the intentional distancing and compensation of the interactors, in a dynamics of coconstruction for the maintenance of the social bond.

A partir de l'étude des interactions quotidiennes entre Katangais et Kasaïens, après les violences de masse perpétrées contre les Kasaïens « non originaires» au début des années 1990, la thèse montre que les Katangais et les Kasaïens mettent en œuvre, dans le cadre de leurs interactions en face-à-face (Goffman), des pratiques de coexistence fondées sur l'évitement, le silence et les non-dits. Le silence sur les violences passées et l'évitement des sujets politiques interprétables en fonction du conflit entre les deux communautés constituent en fait une norme interactionnelle de coexistence pacifique, à rebours de l'injonction au dialogue et à la compréhension mutuelle, qui est au cœur des pratiques des ONG de pacification « par le bas». La thèse montre également que dans certains contextes politiques ou socio-économiques macros constituant des situations de crise (Dobry ; Vidal), se produit un phénomène de polarisation des identités collectives : les Katangais et les Kasaïens ne sont alors plus perçus que par rapport à leur origine ethno-régionale. L'anticipation du déroulement des situations d'interaction devient plus difficile, du fait de I' « incertitude structurelle» qui caractérise ces situations de crise; et les pratiques routinisées de coexistence fondées sur l'autocensure et l'évitement tendent à diminuer. A partir de ces conclusions, la thèse interroge les injonctions morales à la réconciliation et au dialogue, qui sont à l'œuvre dans les théories et pratiques de pacification «par le bas», et la possibilité même d'une réconciliation «par le bas», diffusant de proche en proche une « culture de la paix » qui finirait par imprégner toute une société. / Based on the study of daily interactions between Katangese and Kasaians, in the aftermath of the mass violence committed against the non-native Kasaians in the early 1990s, the dissertation shows that in their face-to-face interactions (Goffman), Katangese and Kasaians used practices of coexistence based on avoidance, silence, and self-censorship. Silence on the past violence and on political topics that can be interpreted with regard to the conflict between the two communities has indeed became an interactional norm of peaceful coexistence, unlike the injunction of NGOs specialized in the 'bottom-up' pacification to set up a dialogue that is deemed to foster a mutual understanding. The dissertation also shows that specific political or socio-economic contexts lead to 'crisis situations' (Dobry; Vidal). These crisis situations result in the polarization of collective identities: Katangese and Kasaians are viewed only by their ethno-regional origins. The expectations about interaction situations are made more difficult, because of the “structural uncertainty” that characterizes 'crisis situations'; and the routine practices of coexistence based on self-censorship and avoidance tend to disappear. From these findings, the dissertation questions the moral injunctions in favor of reconciliation and dialogue, which are at the heart of the theories and practices of 'bottom-up' pacification, and even the eventuality of a “bottom-up” reconciliation spreading step by step a 'culture of peace', which would eventually permeate society as a whole.

This thesis analyses the United States Marine Corps’ counterinsurgency strategy in Vietnam between March 1965 and November 1968, filling a major gap in the existing literature by forensically examining the primary source records maintained by the United States Marines to produce an assessment of the effectiveness of the strategy. It provides a useful corollary to the diplomatic and military histories of the war because not only does it examine operational-level thinking about the war but it analyses the intellectual antecedents of the Marines’ counterinsurgency strategy to answer the important questions about why the Marines chose to emphasis pacification and the ‘ink blot’ strategy rather than conducting a more conventional campaign that focused upon the destruction of enemy forces. The Marines’ own experience of counterinsurgency in the early part of the 20th Century, as well as the work of counterinsurgency theorists of the 1950s and 1960s, had a considerable impact upon their approach to the Vietnam War. The decision of the senior Marine commanders to adopt a pacification strategy along the lines of the ‘ink blot’ approach promulgated by these French and British counterinsurgency experts was partly the result of their view of the political nature of the war and partly the result of the reality they faced on the ground. At the time the Marines deployed to Vietnam their mission was to protect three bases on the coast in the northern provinces of South Vietnam and the Marines realised that the security of these establishments could be greatly improved if the population supported the Marines (and, by extension the South Vietnamese government) rather than the insurgents. Therefore, the ‘spreading ink blot’ of pacification was a product of the need to improve security as well as an attempt to challenge the political nature of communist revolutionary warfare. The metrics used to measure progress in the war were flawed, but there are other indicators within the Marines’ records that show they were conducting an effective and appropriate counterinsurgency campaign, within the limitations imposed by lack of resources and general inability to influence the war as a whole. When the Tet Offensive was launched in early 1968, the Marines use of pacification as ‘defence in depth’ allowed them to successfully defend the coastal enclaves by countering both the political and military efforts of the North Vietnamese in those areas.

Esta tese examina o contexto e os sentidos políticos da implementação de um programa público cultural criado em 2004 como fruto de uma parceria entre a Secretaria Estadual de Cultura (SEC) do estado de São Paulo e o Banco Interamericano de Desenvolvimento (BID): o Programa Fábricas de Cultura. A pesquisa procura demonstrar de que maneira a política pública dirigida para a juventude pobre das periferias pôde, desde sua concepção, operar enquanto uma \'tecnologia social de pacificação\', com vistas a incrementar mecanismos de controle e antecipar-se a possíveis conflitos e insurgências dessas populações territorializadas. A análise é feita à luz de um processo de luta que aprendizes e arte-educadores vinculados às Fábricas de Cultura travaram em 2016, no curso da pesquisa, contra as diretrizes e os gestores da Organização Social responsável pela administração de cinco das dez unidades do programa. Dessa maneira, foi possível apreender as características e contradições do programa dentro de um quadro de modificações por que forçosamente passou aquilo que entendemos ser uma forma específica de gerenciamento dos conflitos de classe, a que chamamos de \"consenso à base da pacificação dos conflitos sociais\", que se consolidara na últimas décadas. Em torno de uma coalizão que unia organismos multilaterais, Estados e organizações da sociedade civil, esse consenso efetivou-se por meio de um conjunto de técnicas de gestão que acabou por embaralhar as diferenças entre direita e esquerda, difundindo-se por estratégias voltadas para \"a redução da pobreza\", \"segurança\", \"oportunidades\" e \"inclusão social\". Nesse sentido, o Programa Fábricas de Cultura se apresenta como resultado desse processo que transfigurou setores de classe em públicosalvo, esquadrinhados pelas políticas sociais focalizadas. A investigação observa, no entanto, que a efetividade de tal consenso pacificador sempre estivera lastreada por tecnologias de guerra, com as quais mantém relação de alternância e complementariedade. A tese então argumenta que a aposta na formação cultural, como maneira de apassivar a juventude e reforçar identidades culturais territorializadas, alimentou, em seu subterrâneo, uma rebelião que se voltou contra esse projeto, demonstrando seus limites e forçando um ponto de inflexão que parece apontar para a crise da tecnologia social de pacificação. / This thesis examines the context and political meanings of the implementation of a public cultural program created in 2004 as a result of a partnership between the State Secretariat of Culture (SEC) of the state of São Paulo and the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB): Factories of Culture Program. The research seeks to demonstrate in which ways the public policy directed at the poor youth of the peripheries operated, from its conception, as a \'social technology for pacification\', designed to increase mechanisms of control and anticipate possible conflicts and insurgencies arising from this population. In the course of research, apprentices and art educators from the Factories of Culture took part on a struggle against the guidelines and managers of the (private) Social Organization responsible for five out of the ten units of the program. This analysis is made in light of this conflict. In this way, it was possible to apprehend the characteristics and contradictions of the program within a framework of modifications it was forced to go through. This policy is here considered to be a specific form of management of class conflicts consolidated in the last decades, which we call \"consensus based on the pacification of social conflicts\". Around a coalition that united multilateral organizations, states and civil society organizations, this consensus was achieved through a set of management techniques that shuffled the differences between right and left, and spread through strategies aimed at \"poverty reduction\", \"security\", \"opportunities\" and \"social inclusion\". In this sense, the Factories of Culture Program presents itself as a result of a process that has transfigured class sectors into target audiences, scrutinized by focused social policies. The research, however, observes that the effectiveness of such a pacifying consensus had always been supported by war technologies, with which it maintains a conection of alternation and complementarity. The thesis then argues that the commitment to cultural formation, as a way to pacificate the youth and reinforce territorialized cultural identities, helped to feed a rebellion that turned against the project, demonstrating its limits and forcing a inflection point that seems to indicate a crisis of the social technology for pacification.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Pretende-se uma análise crítica do projeto das Unidades de Polícia Pacificadora (UPPs), procurando entender como ele aparece como uma resposta possível para os problemas urbanos e de segurança na cidade do Rio de Janeiro. Em primeiro lugar, volta-se à importação do ideal civilizatório pelo Brasil no início do século XIX e o surgimento da polícia e de uma questão urbana na cidade do Rio de Janeiro. O resgate histórico permite entender o surgimento das favelas e de uma cidade partida. Em seguida, trata-se do aspecto da pacificação das UPPs, retomando o sentido que essa ideia teve ao longo da história do Brasil, em especial como subjugação dos povos indígenas e como repressão às insurreições da primeira metade do século XIX. Em um segundo momento, volta-se à configuração da governamentalidade policial no Rio de Janeiro e no Brasil, do surgimento das polícias à racionalidade governamental do neoliberalismo. Demonstra-se como a polícia surge como um agente civilizador e como uma racionalidade autoritária da militarização e da criminologia do outro marca as polícias brasileiras, o que explica sua histórica atuação violenta voltada às classes subalternas. Em seguida, partindo da concepção de território pressuposta pelas UPPs, elabora-se sua crítica, observando que constituem uma política de ocupação militarizada do território que reforça uma geografia das desigualdades e promove uma nova forma de territorialização. Por fim, trata-se dos mecanismos que a governamentalidade neoliberal assume na gestão da questão urbana no Rio de Janeiro, a partir das ideias de urbanismo militar e empresarialismo urbano.O urbanismo militar é entendido como a extensão de ideias militares para os espaços e circulações cotidianos, o que leva a uma tendência internacional de militarização da segurança pública e proliferação de territórios de exceção. Nesse contexto, a política das UPPs guarda proximidades com as ocupações das favelas em Porto Príncipe pela MINUSTAH, os territórios palestinos ocupados por Israel, acontrainsurgência estadunidense no Iraque e Afeganistão e os Proyectos Urbanos Integrales em Medellín, nos quais se inspirou. Mas condizem também com o ideal do empresarialismo urbano, modelo baseado na competitividade das cidades orientada para o mercado. Trata-se, portanto, de um projeto de controle militarizado das favelas, necessário para os megaeventos e para a construção de uma imagem de cidade maravilhosa. / This work intends to a critical analysis of the Pacification Police Units (PPU), searching to understand how it constitutes apossible answer to the urban and safety problems in Rio de Janeiro. First of all, we turn to the importation of the civilization ideal in the early 19th centurys Brazil and the advent of the police and the urban issues in Rio de Janeiro. The historical review allows understanding the appearance of the favelas and of a divided city. Then, we turn to the PPUs pacification aspect, resuming this ideas meaning throughout Brazilian history, particularly as the subjugation of indigenous people and as repression to the insurrections of the first half of the 19th century. In a second place, we turn to the configuration of a police governmentality in Rio de Janeiro and in Brazil, from polices appearance to the neoliberal governmental rationality. We demonstrate how the police appear as a civilizing agent and how an authoritarian rationality of militarization and criminology of the other marks the Brazilian polices, what explains its historical violent acting against the underprivileged classes. Then, from the territory conception assumed by the PPU, we elaborate its critic, observing that they constitute a politics of militarized occupation of the territory which reinforces a geography of inequality and promotes a new form of territorialization. Finally, we talk about the mechanisms that the neoliberal governmentality assumes in the management of the urban issues in Rio de Janeiro from the ideas of a military urbanism and urban entrepreneurialism. The military urbanism is understood as the extension of military ideas to the daily spaces and circulations, which leads to an international tendency of militarization of the public safety and proliferation of exception territories. In this context, the PPU politics resembles the MINUSTAHs slums occupations in Porto Príncipe, the Palestinian territories occupied by Israel, the American counterinsurgency in Iraq and Afghanistan and the ProyectosUrbanosIntegralesinMedellin, which inspired it. But they are also befitting with the urban entrepreneurialism ideal, based on the competition between cities marked orientated. It is, therefore, a militarized control project of the favelas, needed for the mega events and the construction of a Marvelous City image.