Cette thèse propose une nouvelle approche des images des miracles du Christ, entre le IIIe et le VIe siècle, basée sur un corpus aspirant à l'exhaustivité. Les images sont dans un premier temps étudiées de manière analytique et structurale : chacun des trente-quatre miracles de Jésus fait l'objet d'une analyse détaillée en ce qui concerne le texte biblique, les représentations paléochrétiennes et les commentaires patristiques contemporains. Les images sont ensuite replacées dans leur contexte historique, social, spatial et théologique, dans une perspective sérielle et statistique, dans le but de reconsidérer leurs fonctions diversifiées. Enfin, un essai d'interprétation synthétique explore au moyen du corpus des miracles la question, très discutée dans l'historiographie, du rapport entre l'activité thaumaturgique du Christ et celle des magiciens et faiseurs de prodiges dans l'Antiquité tardive. / This thesis proposes a new approach of the images of Christ as a miracle worker, between the 3rd and the 6th century, based on a corpus which aims for exhaustivity. In a first time, images are both analyzed in an analytical and structural way : each of the thirty-four miracles of Jesus is the subject of a detailed analysis of the biblical tex t; early Christian representations and contemporary patristic commentaries. Images are then replaced in their historical, social, spatial and theological context, from a serial and statistical perspective, in order to reconsider their diversified functions. Finally, this work explores, through the corpus of miracles, the question often debated in historiography, of the relationships between the thaumaturgical activity of Christ and that of magicians and prodigies makers in Late Antiquity.

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(Annotation) This thesis compares the orthodox approach to man to psychotherapeutics, especially with psychoanalysis, analytic psychology and logoterapy. These systems arise from positivistic backgrounds and approaches to man in this direction. In opposite to psychoanalysis analytic psychology and logoterapy think about spiritual aspect in life of man, but both systems mostly psychologize this aspect. The orthodox psychotherapy especially works with this spiritual aspect. It comes out from patristic anthropology referring that man is God's creature according to Genesis. The spirit aspect plays the cardinal role in the relationship between man and God. This relationship was corrupted by the rebellion of man against God. This rebellion has changed the ontological nature of man. According to the orthodox psychotherapy mental disorders are a result from this ontological change of man, which characterized by "garment of skin" done by God for man to revive in fallen state. The solution of mental disorders and then spiritual problems is to accept the state of "garments of skill" and in renewing of relationship with God.

In contemporary society, distinct traditions are bleeding into one another, blurring traditional lines of inquiry and historically significant boundaries. This phenomenon frames this project and creates the context for the Yoga-Christian praxis dialogue this study constructively critiques. Unfortunately, this dialogue exhibits an Eliadean concern for essentialism and universality. I challenge this trend by juxtaposing two distinct texts, Patañjali‘s Yoga-Sūtra and Gregory of Nyssa’s Life of Moses. These texts point to the similar idea that without striving and personal transformation neither the yogic practitioner nor practicing Christian logically subsists. More importantly, however, from this point of correspondence I constructively critique the Yoga-Christian praxis dialogue by concretely engaging these texts and paying particular attention to the differences inherent in them. My comparison, then, suggests how attention to particularity points to a more authentic dialogue: what I wish to call a dialogue of distinction without separation.

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<p>In this study I situate socio-historically the adoption of the term <em>ekklēsia</em> as a permanent collective identity by early Christ-followers, particularly Pauline ones. I contribute to at least four areas of <em>ekklēsia</em> research. First, my examination of almost 1900 inscriptional occurrences of the word <em>ekklēsia</em> indicates a lack of evidence for a non-civic association self-identifying collectively as an <em>ekklēsia</em>. Second, I develop the preliminary observation by Runesson, Binder, and Olsson (2008) that <em>ekklēsia</em> can refer either to a gathering of Jews or to the self-designation of a Jewish community, i.e., that <em>ekklēsia</em> is one among several terms that can be translated into English as “synagogue.” This problematizes, from an institutional perspective, suggestions common in scholarship that Paul was “parting ways” with Judaism(s), ‘Jewishness,’ or Jewish organizational forms. Third, given both that non-Jewish Christ-followers could not be designated using the ethno-religious term “Israel” and that <em>ekklēsia</em> is a Jewish synagogue term, Paul’s designation of his multi-ethnic communities as <em>ekklēsiai</em> allowed gentiles qua gentiles to share with Torah observant Jews qua Jews in God’s salvation history with Israel. <em>Ekklēsia</em>, thus, does not indicate an inherently supersessionist identity for communities designated by this term. Fourth, Paul’s adoption of a political identity (civic <em>ekklēsia</em>) for his communities need not imply his promotion of counter-imperial civic ideology. Greek literary (e.g., Plutarch) and inscriptional evidence suggests that if an Imperial period non-civic group (e.g., voluntary association) self-designated as an <em>ekklēsia</em>, it could have been perceived as a positive, rather than as an anti-Roman, participant in society.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

The thesis deals teologic comparison of two patristic commentaries of the Sermon on the Plain from Gospel of Luke - by saint Ambrose and by saint Cyril of Alexandria. Both autors are excerpts from their commentaries of Gospel of Luke. At first are outlined life and literary work of both authors and later an analysis of both texts from the point of view of selected principal theological topics is made. After that the two theological views are compared to the Sermon on the Plain, outlining the initial idea of both autors.

My primary argument in this thesis is that creation theologies significantly influenced early developments in the doctrine of the Trinity, especially in Augustine of Hippo’s theology. Thus this is a work of historical theology, but I conclude with proposals for how Augustine’s theologies of creation and the Trinity can be read fruitfully with modern theology. I critically analyse developments in trinitarian theologies in light of ideas that were held about creation. These include the doctrine of creation ‘out of nothing’ and ideas about other creative acts (e.g., forming or fashioning things). Irenaeus and other early theologians posited roles for God (the Father), the Word / Son, the Spirit, or Wisdom in creative acts without working out formal views on economic trinitarian acts. During the fourth century trinitarian controversies, creation ‘out of nothing’ and ideas about ‘modes of origin’ influenced thinking on consubstantiality and relations within the Trinity. Basil of Caesarea and others also presented ideas about trinitarian acts of creation and the Trinity in hexaemeral works. I will argue that in Augustine’s views of trinitarian acts of creation, he attributes roles to God (the Father), the Word / Son, and the Spirit. In his mature theology, he attributes the giving of formless existence, differentiated existence, and perfected existence to the three Persons respectively, while depicting shared roles. He also attributes to the Spirit the giving of the capability of ‘dynamic abiding’ to creatures, which gives them agency in continuing their existence. Augustine’s theologies of creation and the Trinity were significantly influenced by his exegesis of Gen. 1, John 1. 1-3, Wisdom, and other scriptures, and his ideas resonate with the hexaemeral works of Basil and Philo of Alexandria. I argue that scholars should examine these sources and Augustine’s own hexaemeral commentaries to gain a deeper understanding of his trinitarian theology.

This study investigates the understanding of heresy and the heretic according to John of Damascus. For him, a heretic was any Christian who, by wilful choice, departs from the one orthodox tradition by adopting a personal opinion on the common faith which he intends to institute as sole truth. Our research is divided into two parts and aims to apply John of Damascus' understanding of the recurring identity of the Christian heretic and his behaviour. By using historical-theological, interdisciplinary and diachronical approaches, our research demonstrates that this Church Father, who is the `seal of the patristic era,' remains a relevant authority for our comprehension of heresy and the heretic. Through two case studies, namely, the Dutch Reformed Churches and Apartheid, and Kimbanguism, our study specifies, on the one hand how a distorted Christian confession contributed to the rise of Apartheid, with its attendant sense of a theocracy, predestination, election, supremacy, divine love and justice. Kimbanguism, on the other hand, represents a heresy against its will. It is an example of Christian leaders who abused their power to apply cultural elements that resulted in a dramatic misinterpretation of the Christian dogma of the Trinity. Finally, our study intends to apply the notions of wilful choice, obstinacy and fanaticism, libertine exegesis, personal opinion and orthodox tradition or common faith, to portray a heretic by using an interdisciplinary approach: theologically as a libertine-exegete, psychologically as a dogmatic and fanatic person, and sociologically as a negative cultural reformer. Thus, our analysis is both historical and theological, and clearly and substantially elucidates the heretical mind in modern times. Consequently, our inquiry may be summed up as follows. Firstly, heresy habitually comes from an existing text, doctrine or discipline; secondly, it concerns people who are originally Christians; thirdly, it demonstrates that a heretic may be a fervent and an educated Christian, a layman or a church leader, who, on the basis of wilful choice, interprets Biblical texts freely, with his personal exegesis and hermeneutics, and ultimately incorrectly. From this exegesis and hermeneutics he deduces and sustains a new doctrine that he defends with obstinacy and fanaticism. / Christian Spirituality, Church History & Missiology / D. Div. (Church History)