Olive Schreine'rs novel, The Story of an African Farm, and nonfiction work, Woman and Labor, have compelled critics to apply the term New Woman to her main character, Lyndall, who speaks out for change against the established gender roles. The thesis proposes that by placing Lyndall in a colonial context, Schreiner creates a plot where place and language embody the possibilities for change. Considering that Schreiner's life consisted of a life in the colonies, first as a governess, later as a wife, one sees Schreiner's personal interest in change. Analyzing Schreiner's style of representing Lyndall's relationship with nature and other characters, one discovers the way Schreiner balances a feminist (and hence radical) shadow discourse of masochism with the discourses of nature and evolution. Schreiner registers an interest in change in her language by turning the linguistic-mental neighborhoods of Jane Austen inside out in favor of a more extrinsic language, the dialect of real South African neighborhoods. In her personal details, furthermore, Schreiner brings to life the language and landscape of her beloved country, creating the conceptual groundwork for political change. Read in this way, Olive Schreiner's work can be seen as creating space for more literature about social change like the award-winning work of the South African writer, Nadine Gordimer. / by Mellissa M. Carr. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2011. / Includes bibliography. / Electronic reproduction. Boca Raton, Fla., 2011. Mode of access: World Wide Web.

Nitra, Vojtěch. Obraz médií v britské televizní politické fikci. Praha, 2017. 57 s. Diplomová práce (Mgr.) Univerzita Karlova, Fakulta sociálních věd, Institut komunikačních studií a žurnalistiky. Katedra mediálních studií. Vedoucí diplomové práce PhDr. Radim Hladík, PhD. Abstract This diploma thesis deals with the image of media in selected works of popular culture. Specifically, in the television production, where politicians play the central role or those series which take place in the political sphere and in the state bureaucracy. Another condition is that the stories are fictitious and originally produced in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. The researcher choosed those TV series for his research: Yes, Minister; Yes, Prime Minister; The New Statesman, the trilogy of House of Cards, To Play The King, and The Final Cut; and The Thick of It. The research tracks individual series with the focus on the theme of the research. After introducing the reviewed material, it focuses on individual characters and their relationship to the media or whether they are directly representatives of the media professions. In the end of the thesis the research searches for the examples of model depictions of journalists in popular culture and summarizes the role of journalism in the events of the...

NITRA, Vojtěch. Obraz médií v britské televizní politické fikci. Praha, 2018. 75 s. Diplomová práce (Mgr.) Univerzita Karlova, Fakulta sociálních věd, Institut komunikačních studií a žurnalistky. Katedra mediálních studií. Vedoucí diplomové práce PhDr. Radim Hladík, PhD. Abstract This diploma thesis deals with the image of media in selected works of popular culture. Specifically, in the television production, where politicians play the central role or those series which take place in the political sphere and in the state bureaucracy. Another condition is that the stories are fictitious and originally produced in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. The researcher choosed those TV series for his research: Yes, Minister; Yes, Prime Minister; The New Statesman, the trilogy of House of Cards, To Play The King, and The Final Cut; and The Thick of It. The research tracks individual series with the focus on the theme of the research. After introducing the reviewed material, it focuses on individual characters and their relationship to the media or whether they are directly representatives of the media professions. In the end of the thesis the research searches for the examples of model depictions of journalists in popular culture and summarizes the role of journalism in the events of the...

Die Dissertation führt den Begriff des Schauerrealismus (gothic realism) als Werkzeug zur Analyse explizit politischer Gegenwartsliteratur ein. Hierbei thematisiert die Arbeit die kulturelle Arbeit des realistischen Gegenwartsromans und begreift Konventionen der Schauerliteratur als Ausdrucksmittel politischer Aktualität und als kulturelle Marker einer als krisenhaft empfundenen Gegenwart. Gleichzeitig leistet die Arbeit so einen kritischen Beitrag zur gegenwärtigen Periodisierungsdebatte im Bereich der amerikanischen Literatur, indem sie an Hand detaillierter Fallstudien die literarische Methodik und kulturell-politische Arbeit realistischer Romane herausarbeitet, die sich im Spannungsfeld zwischen einem Selbstbekenntnis zum Realismus und dem bewussten Einsatz von Konventionen klassischer Schauerliteratur einer klaren Periodisierungsabsicht entziehen. Basierend auf einem Textkorpus der Romane The Dead Zone und Cujo von Stephen King schlägt die Arbeit den Bogen zum gegenwärtigen realistischen Werk von Cara Hoffman und Julia Keller, um herauszuarbeiten, wie schauerliterarische Tropen als realistisches Ausdrucksmittel einen essentiellen Beitrag zur politischen und kulturellen Arbeit amerikanischer Gegenwartsliteratur leisten. / The dissertation introduces the term “gothic realism“ as a tool to analyze explicitly political contemporary literature. The work discusses the cultural work of the realist contemporary novel and conceptualizes conventions of gothic fiction as a means to express political actuality and as an indicator of a zeitgeist characterized by crisis. At the same time, the work critically contributes to the current periodization debate in American literature by offering detailed readings of the literary method and cultural work of realist novels that veer between a self-professed realism and the explicit use of gothic convention. By doing so, these texts escape clear efforts of periodization. Based on the Stephen King novels The Dead Zone and Cujo, the work theorizes and reads contemporary novels by Cara Hoffman and Julia Keller to show how tropes of gothic fiction as a realist means of representation fundamentally contribute to the cultural and political work of contemporary American literature.

Kobayashi Takiji's (1903-1933) Kanikōsen (The Crab Cannery Ship, 1929), the outstanding work from the proletarian literary movement, experienced an influx of new adaptations into various mediums during the years that preceded and followed the "Kanikōsen boom" of 2008. This thesis focuses on two manga adaptations that provide readers with starkly different takes on the original story. Using theories by Scott McCloud and Azuma Hiroki, I first attempt to draw parallels between the form of manga and that of the novel. Then, I examine the manner in which the most explicitly political content of the novel is adapted into the manga versions. Through this examination of form and content, it becomes apparent that, despite their differences, both adaptations reinforce a vague, individualist-humanist ideology that undermines the notions of class consciousness and class struggle that are central to the narrative of Kanikōsen. This diminishing of the explicitly "Red" aspects of the original reflects the Japanese public's general aversion to politics that has persisted since the early 1970's until this day.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Canterbury, 2006. / Title taken from PDF title screen (viewed October 5, 2007). Includes bibliographical references (leaves 246-256).

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Canterbury, 2006. / Typescript (photocopy). Includes bibliographical references (leaves 246-256). Also available via the World Wide Web.

Robert Merle est au purgatoire des Belles-Lettres françaises. Quelque chose dans sa trajectoire, qui va du prix Goncourt avec son tout premier roman, Week-end à Zuydcoote, aux treize tomes d’une saga historique, Fortune de France, a semble-t-il sonné le glas de sa consécration. Et ce quelque chose tient sans doute à la singularité d’un écrivain franc-tireur, allergique à toute mode, à toute école, à tout parti et qui portera un demi-siècle durant son rêve d’un « roman romanesque » qui allie le populaire à la qualité, un roman démocratique, un roman des Trente Glorieuses qui réhabilite ce « vice impuni », comme disait André Wurmser, la lecture. Ce sont des voies singulières que Merle explore, des voies qui l’entraînent vers les champs en jachère de l’expérimentation, du « mauvais genre », de la politique-fiction et du roman populaire. L’écrivain démocrate choisit, contre une littérature « mandarinale », contre tout formalisme et esthétisme, une littérature accessible, un roman romanesque, un roman à histoire où règne, en maître, la tension narrative. Et ce, au risque de la déconsécration, au risque du middlebrow. Son œuvre pourtant, si éclectique en apparence, est une œuvre essentielle car Merle est un écrivain de l’événement et du pire. Ce pire qui fit qu’une génération entière fut happée par l’Histoire et n’en sortit pas indemne. Unde malum faciamus ? Cette question qui, en filigrane, traverse tous ses écrits de 1949 à 2003, ne cessa de tarauder Merle. Toujours il s’est agi, pour cet écrivain-militant, de poursuivre le combat, envers et contre l’amnésie, les œillères, les mensonges, et de le poursuivre pour les générations à venir. / Robert Merle is in the purgatory of the French Belles-Lettres. Something in his work, which goes from the Prix Goncourt with his first novel, Weekend at Dunkirk, to the thirteen volumes of a historical saga, Fortune de France, seems to have gone awry and ended this recognition. And that something is probably due to the singularity of an independent writer allergic to any fashion, school or party who will uphold for half a century his dream of a “novelistic” novel which would be both popular and good, a “democratic” novel, a novel of the postwar boom, which rehabilitates the pleasure of reading, the “unpunished vice”, in André Wurmser’s words. Merle treads unusual paths, which lead him to the fallow fields of experimentation, to the disreputable genres of political and popular fiction. As a democratic writer opposed to “elitist” literature, as well as formalism and aestheticism, he chooses a literature which is accessible, a “novelistic” novel, in which the story itself and narrative tension are paramount, at the risk of not being recognized any longer or being dubbed a middlebrow writer. If eclectic in appearance, his work, is an essential one: Merle is a writer of the event and of the worst-case scenario. A worst witnessed by an entire generation caught up by history which did not leave unscathed. Unde malum faciamus? This question which underlines all of his writings from 1949 to 2003, never stopped haunting Merle. His goal, as a writer-activist, was ever to continue the fight against amnesia, blinders and lies for generations to come.

On prétend éprouver dans cette étude l'hypothèse suivante : le retour, dans le roman espagnol récent, d'un courant défendant ouvertement la puissance critique et politique de l'écriture littéraire. Saisie à la fois comme discours social et comme forme du savoir, la littérature serait dès lors porteuse de dissensus et potentiellement transformatrice. Cette tendance à contre-Courant, si elle reste minoritaire, n'en est pas moins profondément significative. Au plan esthétique, la revendication des notions de responsabilité, d'intentionnalité et de politicité de l'écriture n'implique pas de recourir à la transparence et au monologisme du roman à thèse. Elle induit plutôt un réinvestissement paradoxal des formes brisées du postmodernisme littéraire, situant la fiction politique du côté de la problématisation des canons et des normes, de la dénaturalisation, de la désidentification et du décentrement, de la critique des partages établis ou de la perturbation des places, plutôt que dans la certitude monolithe et l'imposition autoritaire du message. Sur cette inscription générique paradoxale s'articule un nouveau réalisme critique, qui problématise à l'envie l'injonction mimétique tout en revendiquant l'héritage du grand roman social. Au plan théorique et rhétorique, l'adoption d'une posture maximaliste où se donnent à lire les fondements conceptuels de l'engagement classique – interventionnisme, historicisme, injonction au positionnement, projet de dévoilement – s'accompagne d'un rejet de la catégorie d'écriture engagée, à laquelle les auteurs préfèrent d'autres vocables – écriture résistante, révolutionnaire ou responsable. À la croisée du roman mémoriel et de la fiction politique – deux tendances dont on analysera les jeux de recouvrement –, notre corpus d'étude se compose de treize romans de trois écrivains représentatifs de ce courant : Alfons Cervera, Belén Gopegui et Isaac Rosa, trois romanciers dont l'œuvre semble indiquer l'émergence d'un nouveau paradigme esthétique dont on se propose d'analyser les enjeux formels, théoriques et institutionnels. / I intend to verify in this study the following hypothesis : the resurgence, in the recent Spanish novel, of a trend openly defending the critical and political power of literary writing. Seen both as a social discourse and as a form of knowledge, literature would therefore be the bearer of dissent and would be potentially transformative. This tendency against the current, while remaining minor, is nevertheless profoundly significant. As far as aesthetics is concerned, the claim of notions such as responsibility, intentionality and politicality of writing does not imply a resort to the transparency and monologism of the thesis novel. This new trend rather implies a paradoxical reinvestment of the shattered forms of literary postmodernism; it sets political fiction along with problematizing canons and norms, denaturalizing, de-Identifying, decentralizing, and criticizing the established categories or reregulating all representations of places. This trend does not allude to a monolithic conviction or an authoritative imposition of a message. From this paradoxical and generic inscription emerges a new critical realism, which problematizes over and over again the mimetic injunction while claiming the heritage of the great social novel. From a theoretical and rhetorical point of view, the adoption of a maximalist position in which one can read the conceptual foundations of classical engagement – interventionism, historicism, the injunction to take a stand, the project of unveiling – goes along with the rejection of the category of engaged literature, to which the authors prefer other terms – resistance, revolutionary or responsible writing. At the crossroads of the memorial novel and political fiction – two tendencies which I shall analyze for movements of coincidence – the corpus of my study is composed of thirteen novels by three writers representative of this new current : Alfons Cervera, Belén Gopegui and Isaac Rosa, three novelists whose works seem to indicate the emergence of a new aesthetic paradigm of political and literary engagement in today's Spanish novel which I shall analyze the formal, theoretical and institutional stakes.

"Down and Out in Paris and London" is typically perceived as non-political. Orwell's first book, it examines his life with the poor in two cities. Although on the surface "Down and Out" seems not to be about politics, Orwell covertly conveys a political message. This is contrary to popular critical opinion. What most critics fail to acknowledge is that Orwell wrote for a middle- and upper-class audience, showing a previously unseen view of the poor. In this he suggests change to the policy makers who are able to bring about improvements for the impoverished. "Down and Out" is often ignored by both critics and readers of Orwell. With an examination of Orwell's politicizing background, and of the way he chooses to present himself and his poor characters in "Down and Out," I argue that the book is both political and characteristic of Orwell's later work.