In the fall of 1938, Marion Kenworthy, child psychologist, and Clarence Pickett, director of the American Friends Service Committee, began designing a bill that would challenge the United States's government's strict immigration laws and allow persecuted children to come to the United States and live in American homes. The Wagner-Rogers Bill, named for Senator Robert Wagner of New York and Representative Edith Rogers of Massachusetts and introduced in February 1939, sought to allow the entry of 20,000 refugee children from Germany. At the time, multiple domestic factors limited the willingness of American politicians to meet this problem head on: high unemployment rates after the stock market crash in 1929, an isolationist sentiment after the impact of World War I, and xenophobia. These factors discouraged the lawmakers from revising the quota limit set on obtainable visas established by the 1924 Immigration Act and allow outsiders into the United States. These few actors who supported the Wagner-Rogers Bill reflect a hidden minority of the American public and political body that fought to help Jewish refugees by standing up to the majority of citizens and politicians against higher immigration into the United States, and the story of the this Bill demonstrates what might have been possible and illuminates 20th century models of American humanitarianism and its role in creating international refugee protection. / Master of Arts / In the fall of 1938, Marion Kenworthy, child psychologist, and Clarence Pickett, director of the American Friends Service Committee, began designing a bill that would challenge the United States’s government’s strict immigration laws and allow persecuted children to come to the United States and live in American homes. The Wagner-Rogers Bill, named for Senator Robert Wagner of New York and Representative Edith Rogers of Massachusetts and introduced in February 1939, would allow the entry of 20,000 refugee children from Germany. At the time, multiple domestic factors limited the willingness of American politicians to meet this problem head on: high unemployment rates after the stock market crash in 1929, an isolationist sentiment after the impact of World War I, and xenophobia. These factors discouraged the lawmakers from reforming pre-existing immigration policies to allow more outsiders into the United States. These few actors who supported the Wagner-Rogers Bill reflect a hidden minority of the American public and political body that fought to help Jewish refugees by standing up to the majority of citizens and politicians against higher immigration into the United States, and the story of the this Bill illuminates 20th century models of American humanitarianism and its role in creating international refugee protection.

In 2015, Sweden faced a significant influx of asylum-seeking refugees, leading to notable shifts in political and public attitudes. Previous research suggests that sociopsychological factors, such as group-related attitudes, significantly influence these attitudes. Perspective-taking exercises have been shown to promote social inclusion as well as correcting misperceptions can improve attitudes toward immigrants. This paper explores the mechanisms behind anti-immigrant sentiment by evaluating the impact of a workshop by the Swedish Red Cross Youth Association, “On the Run”, which combines perspective-taking exercises with education about refugees’ current day situation. The study measures the workshop's effect on participating high school students' by randomly assigning individuals to pre- and post-workshop survey response groups within classes and comparing the groups measured attitudes. Data from 346 Swedish students across 17 work- shops in seven cities were analyzed using an ordered probit model. While the workshop did not lead to statistically significant effects on overall attitudes, there were positive outcomes indicating that participants showed slightly more favorable attitudes towards refugees, particularly regard- ing cultural factors. Participating in the workshop significantly increased the likelihood that participants believe Sweden accepts too few refugees. Conversely, there was a significant decrease in support for financial assistance to refugees during their asylum process. These findings under- score the complexity of influencing attitudes through short-term interventions and highlight the importance of considering demographic factors. This research contributes to understanding the nuanced effects of perspective-taking exercises on political and cultural attitudes toward refugees.

No / This is a comprehensive study that examines the sources of refugee flows, in particular as they relate to political persecution, trafficking human slavery, and human rights challenges in relation to gender and sexual identity. Liberal democratic states have been contending with significant refugee inflows. The migration of large populations to Europe and North America is driven by various factors, including regional conflicts, the impacts of global warming, political opposition to autocratic regimes, and societal. The purpose of this study is to understand the nature of human rights challenges, to cut through false perceptions and myths in relation to the sources of migration and refugee flows, and to provide a deeper understanding for academics and practitioners in relation to the support for refugees and victims of human slavery.

Yes

published_or_final_version / abstract / Sociology / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

The dissertation analyzes and compares the responses of governmental policymakers in Mexico and the United States as they confronted a growing influx of Central American migrants in the 1980s. The study examines how two countries with contrasting political systems, economic capabilities, and international positions approached the issue of refugee policy relating to Central Americans. A central objective of the analysis involves identifying the set or sets of independent variables--domestic policy concerns, foreign policy interests, and international law considerations--that exert the most influence over the design of refugee policy and assessing how their influence changes depending on the characteristics of the refugee population, the capabilities of the two countries, and the degree of openness of their political systems. While the study shows that the process of designing refugee policy involves accommodating competing goals shaped by all three sets of independent variables, it concludes that national capabilities determine the set of independent variables dominating the process, with foreign policy interests exerting more influence over the United States and domestic policy and international legal considerations affecting Mexican policy to a greater extent. The set of variables that dominates shapes the generosity or restrictiveness of the policy and determines other features of the policy design. The degree of political openness further influences the policy design process by allowing for the participation of domestic interest groups. In the United States with its open political system, domestic opponents forced the government to adopt a more generous policy over time, although domestic interest groups affected policy implementation to a limited extent in Mexico as well. The study examines the relationship among the variables by comparing case studies that detail the policy responses of Mexico and the United States through the use of a policy design framework. This framework identifies the core elements of each country's policy--its goals, targets, agents, and instruments--and then traces the policy's development through its several implementation and revision stages. The use of a policy design framework facilitates a systematic comparison of the two cases and promotes an evaluation of policy outcomes both in terms of the fulfillment of goals and the impact of policy on the refugee population.

Student Number : 9102146D - MA research report - School of Graduate School - Faculty of Humanities / This is a study of local integration of Congolese refugees from The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) living in Johannesburg. The point of departure is from Jacobsen’s assertion that refugees are de facto integrated when they are not in physical danger, are able to sustain livelihoods through access to land or employment, and can support themselves and their families, are socially networked into host communities so that intermarriage is common, ceremonies like weddings and funerals are attended by everyone and there is no distinction between refugees and local communities. The study looks at the amount of interaction between refugees and South Africans, the dynamics involved in social integration and the perception of integration by refugees and service providers. Refugees and service providers in Johannesburg were interviewed and conclusions are drawn from their responses and the literature consulted.

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Humanities School of Social Sciences, University of Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in partial fulfilment for the degree of Masters in Migration & Displacement. Johannesburg 2016 / Repatriation like any other form of migration is highly gendered. The objective of this research study is to analyze the gendered determinants of repatriation. I will explore various motivations for return and the general literature surrounding repatriation. My interest in the research was inspired by my experience working with Rwandan returnees where I encountered more female returnees than men. The other reason was the invocation of the cessation of Rwandan refugees on the 30th June 2013.The implication of the cessation meant to bring to closure to a close the refugee status of Rwandans who fled the country before 31st December 1998 and to find alternative status for those refugees still in need of international protection. An interesting observation is that despite this invocation by the end of 2013, the number of Rwandan refugees coming back did not increase as was expected. At the time of the interviews, the invocation of the cessation status of Rwandan refugees was a not an issue in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). However, a meeting held on the 2nd of October 2015 came up with new deadlines for the implementation on the cessation clause. This research follows a mini-research for my Honours degree that I conducted in 2014 with Rwandan refugees residing in Johannesburg. This work however differs from my previous pilot study in Johannesburg in two ways; in contrast to this research paper, my interviews in Johannesburg involved Rwandan refugees who had not taken the decision to return to Rwanda. Additionally, the refugee profile in South Africa comprised mostly political asylum-seekers while Rwandan refugees hosted in the DRC (my current research location) are mostly those who fled during the 1994 genocide. Voluntary repatriation is a contested issue. In various instances, refugees feel obliged to return either through active promotion of repatriation, reduction of aid in refugee camps or appalling conditions in countries of asylum. What is also evident is the politics between the countries of asylum and origin and the uncomfortable position the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) finds itself as it seeks to ensure the voluntary character of repatriation as is stipulated by the 1969 OAU convention. The gendered approach taken in migration studies reveals renegotiation of gender relations and roles as a result of displacement. Although the role of women changes considerably; social expectations puts more pressure on men to provide and as the limited livelihood opportunities during displacement curtails their primary role as breadwinners. Gender mainstreaming is one of the approaches employed by the, UNHCR to ensure that women are not only involved in all aspects of planning and development but also in issues of peace and security. The literature on repatriation, suggests that women and men consider different factors in their decision to return; men’s main concern is security while women dwell more on working structures like hospitals and schools for their children. During fieldwork, the household emerged as an important unit for repatriation decision making. The research employed a qualitative design. The tools for data collection included semi-structured in-depth questions for Rwandan refugee participants in Goma and key informants from the UNHCR and their government counterpart in the repatriation exercise the Commission Nationale pour les Réfugiés (CNR). In addition, I engaged in an extensive secondary data search through journals, books, the internet, newspapers and policy documents. Thematic analysis was utilized to analyze the collected data. Based on the findings, it was evident that Rwandan refugee men and women put into consideration different aspects in their decision to return to Rwandan. Men focused mostly on security issues both in the DRC and Rwanda while women considered working structures like schools, hospitals and the hope of reclaiming their spouses’ land for the sake of the children. On the decision to return, single women took the decision on their own while in the case of married couples, the men came up with the idea and discussed it with their wives and children. A cross cutting theme between the interviewed Rwandan refugee men and women was the important function of social networks as a pull factor for return. Social networking was especially important in obtaining information about the specific areas in Rwanda and also acted as assurance for temporary accommodation upon return and therefore reducing the cost of return migration. Based on the findings, access to information for both men and women was not mentioned as a major challenge owing to advances in technology (radios, internet, and mobile phones) and the presence of social networks. Keywords (Returnee, Cessation Clause, Repatriation, Reintegration, Decision-making process, Gender, Identity, Social networking) / MT2017

Student Number : 0413400A - MA research report - School of Social Science - Faculty of Humanities / Refugees and asylum seekers are vulnerable group that requires both national and international protection in South Africa. It is the duty and responsibility of the South African government and international community to provide adequate protection to individuals who are compelled to flee their countries of origin due to well-founded fears of persecution or other life threatening problems. Such protection must meet internationally recognized and acceptable standards for the protection and treatment of refugees and asylum seekers, as outlined in various international law and conventions. South Africa has pledged through her democratic Constitution and the Refugee Act of 1998 to protect and promote the rights of refugees and asylum seekers in her territory. The research explores how South Africa has responded to the protection of the rights of refugees and asylum seekers in the post-apartheid era. The research also explicates the relationship between human rights and refugee protection and how human rights have been used to facilitate the rights of refugees and asylum seekers in South Africa. The thesis identifies the extent of compliance with the international refugee law, which South Africa has achieved within the first decade of democracy and the roles played by nonstate actors and other stakeholders in refugee protection in South Africa. It also explores the major problems and obstacles militating against the realisation and in pursuit of the rights of refugees and asylum seekers in the post-apartheid South Africa. Finally, the findings of this research are expected to contribute to our understanding of the problems facing refugees, the government and international community, and the range of options and interventions open to policy makers in the field which will help to secure such rights.

South Africa adopted a local integration settlement policy for refugees which formed the basis for the reception of refugees into the country since the early 1990s. This policy also laid the foundation for Refugee legislation that was subsequently developed to deal with the arrival of refugees including the applications for asylum and the processes related thereto. The fact that South Africa decided on a local integration policy in the early 1990s is an anomaly in that many countries in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region at the time and even now had encampment policies where refugees are kept in camps and have minimal freedom of movement outside camp settlements. Foreign policy sometimes plays a critical role in shaping domestic policy in various spheres. This research study has determined that South Africa’s Foreign Policy Practice both during the transition years between 1991-1994 and post 1994 played a major role in South Africa adopting a human rights based settlement policy for refugees. This was initially informed by South Africa’s desire to show the international community that the country was indeed adopting democratic principles and thus denying any role in the destabilisation in the region. After 1994 South Africa had acceded to international instruments on the protection of refugees without any reservations on the freedom of movement. The focus of the study is on the decision-making process that led to the signing of both the 1991 Memorandum of Understanding and the 1993 Basic Agreement between South Africa and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and subsequent adoption of the Refugees Act in 1998 to establish the role played by foreign policy and other foreign policy factors in the final decision of adopting local integration. Findings from this research further highlight the role of civic actors for both the pre and post 1994 periods. The study has implications for other countries in the region and beyond which are promoting democratic principles while curtailing the right to freedom of movement for refugees.