The purpose of this study was to investigate whether Kenya's national policies of education are consistent with the principles of nation building and state sovereignty. The investigation involved developing eight multiple regression models. Each model utilized one dependent variable, one independent variable and two control variables. The dependent variables were the average boys and the average girls public primary education gross enrollment ratios for 2000-03, the boys and the girls public primary education completion rates for the class of 2003, and the boys and the girls public primary education gross enrollment ratios for 2003. The independent variables were the public primary education pupil/teacher ratios for 2000 and the public primary education pupil/teacher ratios for 2003. The two control variables were the percentage of the population living in towns in 1999 and the percentage of the population in wage employment in 1999. The only significant results were a negative relationship between public primary education pupil/teacher ratios for 2003 and the girls public primary education completion rates for the class of 2003 and, a positive relationship between the percentage of the population in wage employment in 1999 and the girls public primary education completion rates for the class of 2003. The results suggested that Kenya's national policies of education are not consistent with the principles of nation building and state sovereignty and led to the conclusion that Kenya's public primary education may not be playing the nation-building role that it should play. / Ph. D.

Ohio is one of the largest agricultural producers in the United States and yet Ohioans experience food insecurity at a rate two percent higher than the national average. An analysis of Ohio's agricultural sector in relation to the current global food system suggests that the neoliberal imaginary orders social and ecological relations at both the international and domestic levels. This ordering perpetuates and justifies the continued exploitation of both labor and land and is based on ontological separation of human and ecological systems. This imaginary has given rise to the framework of food security, which has become the singular framework under which solutions to food and climate challenges are outlined by both local policy makers and major development and agricultural organizations. This effectively limits the possible solutions to only those solutions that fit within this imaginary. In considering the continued prevalence of food insecurity in both national and international contexts, it is necessary to explore other avenues for proposing solutions to the current food challenges, which will only grow as the impacts of climate change worsen. Food sovereignty, more specifically urban food sovereignty, offers an alternative ontological framework that expands the realm of possible solutions to food insecurity as a feature of the food sovereignty movement's recognition of multiple ways of being. / Master of Arts / Ohio is one of the largest agricultural producers in the United States and yet, Ohioans experience food insecurity at a rate two percent higher than the national average. An analysis of Ohio's agricultural development in relation to the rise of the current global food system illustrates the ideological connections between the two systems, and the dependencies of these systems on the continued exploitation of both land and labor. Thus, these systems and the food security framework that has arisen from the same ideology or imaginary, can only provide limited solutions to food insecurity at the national or international level. The solutions that have been proposed and implemented under the security framework maintain dependency and vulnerability of insecure populations. As the impacts from climate change worsen and threaten to disrupt food systems, there is the need to move away from the food security framework towards a framework of food sovereignty and the incorporation of urban spaces into the solutions proposed.

The modern era of globalization presents a situation where indigenous cultures are potentially being eroded away. As a result, leaders of these groups need to begin using effective rhetorical strategies in their efforts to defend their worldview against the dominating views of Western ideology. This thesis attempts to present a case study analysis of the work of two leaders in the Native American rights movement: George Manuel and Vine Deloria, Jr. Manuel'­s book The Fourth World: An Indian Reality and Deloria's Behind the Trail of Broken Treaties: An Indian Declaration of Independence are presented as examples for how modern indigenous leaders can use narrative argument, addressing the persuasive functions of social movements, to foster political action on a people-to-people, national, and transnational level. / Master of Arts

Yes / Africa has recently focused on an ambition to achieve digital transformation through the pursuit of various flagship initiatives which are aimed at achieving its ‘Agenda 2063’ objectives. Digital transformation will be better achieved through appropriate cyber governance policies and mechanisms, and the success of Africa’s Digital Transformation Strategy 2020-2030 hinges on diverse factors. According to the Strategy, African governments have a fundamental responsibility to create an enabling environment, with policies and regulations that promote digital transformation across foundation pillars, which include cybersecurity. The Strategy also stipulates the need to reinforce the region’s human and institutional capacity to secure the cyberspace by building trust and confidence in the use of cyber technologies. The aim of the paper is to examine Africa’s cyber governance agenda in relation to peace and security. While there are political dimensions to determining the thresholds of such discourses in Africa, the uncertainties of governance mechanisms, political underpinnings and limitations in digital capacity may mean that international standards of cyber governance have merely been theoretical in the African context. The paper examines Africa’s extant policies and political strategies for cyber governance, and the region’s interaction with international cyber governance processes. The paper further discusses the prospects and challenges to cyber governance in the region, and the approaches to leveraging international cooperation in promoting cyber stability in the region.

This study concerns the terms liberalism, the political, democracy, and liberal democracy focusing on the application of the terms in the discourse of two distinct political theorists: Carl Schmitt and Sheldon S. Wolin. I address the question of whether similarities exist between Schmitt and Wolin's theories? Specifically, are there similarities in their use of the terms listed above? Although both emphasize different aspects of the terms, I suggest they simultaneously share similar perspectives on them. In particular, I suggest that Schmitt and Wolin share in common attributes in their views on the purported problematic of liberal democracy. Furthermore, I suggest both theorists speak to the general concern that if the political cannot be realized, then democracy cannot be practice. / Master of Arts

This thesis explores the theory and practice of sovereignty. I begin with a conceptual analysis of sovereignty, examining its theological roots in contrast with its later influence in contestations over political authority. Theological debates surrounding God’s sovereignty dealt not with the question of legitimacy, which would become important for political sovereignty, but instead with the limits of his ability. Read as an ontological capacity, sovereignty is coterminous with an existent’s activity in the world. As lived, this capacity is regularly limited by the ways in which space is produced via its representations, its symbols, and its practices. All collective appropriations of space have a nomos that characterizes their practice. Foucault’s account of “biopolitics” provides an account of how contemporary materiality is distributed, an account that can be supplemented by sociological typologies of how city space is typically produced. The collective biopolitical distribution of space expands the range of practices that representationally legibilize activity in the world, thereby expanding the conceptual limits of existents and what it means for them to act up to the borders of their capacity, i.e., to practice sovereignty. The desire for total authorial capacity expresses itself in relations of domination and subordination that never erase the fundamental precarity of subjects, even as these expressions seek to disguise it. I conclude with a close reading of narratives recounting the lives of residents in Chicago’s Englewood, reading their activity as practices of sovereignty which manifest variously as they master and produce space. / Master of Arts / Political philosophy has long been concerned with what makes political rule legitimate. Why should we be governed by others? In what ways should we be governed? Why is it that humankind is “everywhere in chains” despite being born free, as Rousseau asks? This thesis explores these questions through the concept of sovereignty. Political sovereignty expresses the idea of rule by the “highest” authority. This concept was initially rooted in a theological worldview that is no longer as dominant as it was in early modernity. Political philosophers from Hobbes to Kant turned instead to reason, which was supposed to determine who could rightfully rule. However, the question of what “rightfully” means in a political era where the state governs who is able to live a good life and who instead will live a life of poverty is increasingly tenuous. What allegiance do those who live in situations of dire need have to a distributional system that has only perpetuated their immiseration? John Locke argued that those who are oppressed have a right to “appeal to heaven,” i.e., to the highest power: the true sovereign. In a world where God’s sovereignty no longer undergirds political thought and practice as its final guarantor, the state as a form of rule seems to be groundless. Consequently, subjects regularly take matters into their own hands. This thesis explores how they enact their sovereignty in the world, using a This American Life podcast as an example through which to explore the theory and practice of sovereignty.

abstract: Advancements in marine and aerospace technology drive legal reform in admiralty and air law. The increased accessibility and affordability of these technologies demand and motivate lawmakers and federal agencies to anticipate potential threats to peoples’ rights and resources in the seas and skies. Given the recent applications of unmanned aircraft in the public and private sectors, developments in aircraft and air law are rapidly becoming more relevant to American Indian and Alaska Native tribes. In anticipation of legal reform, tribal nations are taking steps to assert, expand, and secure their air rights before agencies or the courts attempt to divest their sovereign authority. An analysis of two case studies through a lens of water and federal Indian law locates spaces in American jurisprudence that have the legal foundation and structural capacity to support a greater presence of Indigeneity in airspace. Research findings from these studies answer the following inquiries about tribal airspace sovereignty: where does Indigeneity reside in the US national airspace system and domestic air law, how are tribal air rights strengthened or weakened by American jurisprudence, what strategies do tribes employ to exercise their sovereignty in airspace, and how are tribes planning for future developments in aircraft and air law? Answers lead to proof of how meaningful consultation through collaborative rulemaking produces far greater mutual benefits than burdens for federal agencies and tribes, and much more. Most importantly, these discoveries celebrate a diverse and accumulative strategic legacy of strengthening and expanding tribal sovereignty in the face of imminent threats and possibilities in tribal airspace. / Dissertation/Thesis / Masters Thesis American Indian Studies 2019

Texte remanié de : Thèse de doctorat : Droit international : Cambridge (Angleterre) : 2002. / Texte en anglais. Notes en français et en anglais. Contient des références bibliogr. Index.

WikiLeaks emerged due to the belief that states (often democratic) were not as transparent as they claimed to be. Prior to WikiLeaks, transparency was largely done through state mechanisms and information provided to the media through official spokespeople. Through its online platform, WikiLeaks has attempted to widen this information net and corridor; allowing anyone with access to information to leak it anonymously. This dissertation investigates the effect of WikiLeaks on state sovereignty. It is crucial that sovereignty is continually investigated in order to understand where human society and the governance of human society are heading. Is the state losing greater sovereignty due to the emergence of WikiLeaks? The dissertation argues that the state is losing some sovereignty due to a WikiLeaks diffusion of sovereignty to citizens globally. However, WikiLeaks (although very well known) is a small part of many developments that underpin greater diffusion of state sovereignty including the growing power of the internet, diversification of media and other new methods that force state accountability. / Political Sciences

nÃo hà / O objetivo desta dissertaÃÃo à avaliar a influÃncia da concepÃÃo mecanicista dos corpos e do movimento na filosofia moral e polÃtica de Thomas Hobbes. Ancorado em uma abordagem mecanicista caracterÃstica da modernidade, ele desenvolveu um modelo abstrato de pacto social com o intento de afastar o perigo da guerra e proporcionar a seguranÃa necessÃria para evitar a radical instabilidade de uma sociedade permeada pelo medo. Mostrar-se-Ã, tambÃm, que o contratualismo de Hobbes combina sua visÃo mecanicista com a convicÃÃo de que a racionalidade à um instrumento essencial para salvaguardar a seguranÃa e a paz, o que o torna um tipo peculiar de contratualismo. Destacar-se-Ã, ainda, a evidÃncia de que a aplicaÃÃo dos pressupostos da filosofia natural de Hobbes à esfera do pensamento polÃtico contribuiu para a formaÃÃo de um novo paradigma explicativo para os fenÃmenos polÃticos, o qual se opÃe Ãs concepÃÃes organicistas de sociedade centradas na preocupaÃÃo com o bem comum e marcadas pelo reconhecimento da sociabilidade como uma condiÃÃo natural dos homens. O conceito hobbesiano de soberania à fruto de uma construÃÃo artificial destinada a instaurar um poder absoluto porque nÃo hà outro modo de se garantir a paz na sociedade. / O objetivo desta dissertaÃÃo à avaliar a influÃncia da concepÃÃo mecanicista dos corpos e do movimento na filosofia moral e polÃtica de Thomas Hobbes. Ancorado em uma abordagem mecanicista caracterÃstica da modernidade, ele desenvolveu um modelo abstrato de pacto social com o intento de afastar o perigo da guerra e proporcionar a seguranÃa necessÃria para evitar a radical instabilidade de uma sociedade permeada pelo medo. Mostrar-se-Ã, tambÃm, que o contratualismo de Hobbes combina sua visÃo mecanicista com a convicÃÃo de que a racionalidade à um instrumento essencial para salvaguardar a seguranÃa e a paz, o que o torna um tipo peculiar de contratualismo. Destacar-se-Ã, ainda, a evidÃncia de que a aplicaÃÃo dos pressupostos da filosofia natural de Hobbes à esfera do pensamento polÃtico contribuiu para a formaÃÃo de um novo paradigma explicativo para os fenÃmenos polÃticos, o qual se opÃe Ãs concepÃÃes organicistas de sociedade centradas na preocupaÃÃo com o bem comum e marcadas pelo reconhecimento da sociabilidade como uma condiÃÃo natural dos homens. O conceito hobbesiano de soberania à fruto de uma construÃÃo artificial destinada a instaurar um poder absoluto porque nÃo hà outro modo de se garantir a paz na sociedade. / O objetivo desta dissertaÃÃo à avaliar a influÃncia da concepÃÃo mecanicista dos corpos e do movimento na filosofia moral e polÃtica de Thomas Hobbes. Ancorado em uma abordagem mecanicista caracterÃstica da modernidade, ele desenvolveu um modelo abstrato de pacto social com o intento de afastar o perigo da guerra e proporcionar a seguranÃa necessÃria para evitar a radical instabilidade de uma sociedade permeada pelo medo. Mostrar-se-Ã, tambÃm, que o contratualismo de Hobbes combina sua visÃo mecanicista com a convicÃÃo de que a racionalidade à um instrumento essencial para salvaguardar a seguranÃa e a paz, o que o torna um tipo peculiar de contratualismo. Destacar-se-Ã, ainda, a evidÃncia de que a aplicaÃÃo dos pressupostos da filosofia natural de Hobbes à esfera do pensamento polÃtico contribuiu para a formaÃÃo de um novo paradigma explicativo para os fenÃmenos polÃticos, o qual se opÃe Ãs concepÃÃes organicistas de sociedade centradas na preocupaÃÃo com o bem comum e marcadas pelo reconhecimento da sociabilidade como uma condiÃÃo natural dos homens. O conceito hobbesiano de soberania à fruto de uma construÃÃo artificial destinada a instaurar um poder absoluto porque nÃo hà outro modo de se garantir a paz na sociedade. / This dissertation aims at evaluating the influence of the mechanistic conception of bodies and movement on Thomas Hobbesâ moral and political Philosophy. Grounded on a mechanistic approach characteristic of modernity, he fashioned an abstract model of social pact intended to avoid the radical instability of a society permeated by fear. In addition to this, it will be shown that Hobbesâ contractarianism combines his mechanistic view with the conviction that rationality is an essential instrument to safeguard security and peace what renders it a peculiar type of contractarianism. It will be stressed that it is evident that the application of the premises of Hobbesâ natural philosophy to the sphere of political thought contributed to the formation of a new paradigm devoted to the explanation of the political phenomena that is at odds with the organic conceptions of society centered on the preoccupation with the common good and associated with the belief that human beings are naturally sociable. Hobbesâ concept of sovereignty is artificially-built in order to create and absolute power because there is no other way of guaranteeing peace in society. / This dissertation aims at evaluating the influence of the mechanistic conception of bodies and movement on Thomas Hobbesâ moral and political Philosophy. Grounded on a mechanistic approach characteristic of modernity, he fashioned an abstract model of social pact intended to avoid the radical instability of a society permeated by fear. In addition to this, it will be shown that Hobbesâ contractarianism combines his mechanistic view with the conviction that rationality is an essential instrument to safeguard security and peace what renders it a peculiar type of contractarianism. It will be stressed that it is evident that the application of the premises of Hobbesâ natural philosophy to the sphere of political thought contributed to the formation of a new paradigm devoted to the explanation of the political phenomena that is at odds with the organic conceptions of society centered on the preoccupation with the common good and associated with the belief that human beings are naturally sociable. Hobbesâ concept of sovereignty is artificially-built in order to create and absolute power because there is no other way of guaranteeing peace in society. / This dissertation aims at evaluating the influence of the mechanistic conception of bodies and movement on Thomas Hobbesâ moral and political Philosophy. Grounded on a mechanistic approach characteristic of modernity, he fashioned an abstract model of social pact intended to avoid the radical instability of a society permeated by fear. In addition to this, it will be shown that Hobbesâ contractarianism combines his mechanistic view with the conviction that rationality is an essential instrument to safeguard security and peace what renders it a peculiar type of contractarianism. It will be stressed that it is evident that the application of the premises of Hobbesâ natural philosophy to the sphere of political thought contributed to the formation of a new paradigm devoted to the explanation of the political phenomena that is at odds with the organic conceptions of society centered on the preoccupation with the common good and associated with the belief that human beings are naturally sociable. Hobbesâ concept of sovereignty is artificially-built in order to create and absolute power because there is no other way of guaranteeing peace in society.