L'émancipation de la pensée politique américaine de ses sources européennes était un processus à plusieurs facettes. Au cœur de ce processus d'émancipation intellectuelle des jeunes États-Unis était la notion de la souveraineté, qui doit être selon l'historien Gordon Wood considérée comme l'abstraction la plus important de la politique dans l'ère révolutionnaire. Un des contributeurs les plus important au débat sur la notion de la souveraineté était James Madison (1751-1836), surtout connu comme le père de la constitution américaine, comme l'auteur du Fédéraliste avec Hamilton et Jay et comme le quatrième Président des États-Unis. La thèse cherche à reconstituer la contribution de Madison à l'américanisation de la souveraineté en s'appuyant sur ses propres discours et écrits. Les analyses montrent qu'il proposait notamment une souveraineté à double face : quant à la dimension intérieure, il défendait l'idée d'une souveraineté limitée, qui s’avérerait dans sa forme spécifique comme une particularité : le constitutionnalisme américaine. Quant à la politique extérieure, il concevait en revanche une souveraineté plutôt illimitée et en plein extension, qui se développait au cours de sa carrière petit à petit à une conception largement en accord avec les postulats du système westphalien des États européennes. Pour éclairer les implications politiques pratiques de ce raisonnement, on peut formuler un « théorème de Madison », qui récapitule le rapport particulier entre souveraineté interne et souveraineté externe dans sa pensée politique : L'état libérale et sécularisé vit des conditions, qu'il doit garantir par sa politique étrangère. Cette reformulation d'une citation fameux du juriste allemand Böckenförde décrit non seulement la sensibilité de Madison pour la nature précaire de la liberté dans une démocratie constitutionnelle, mais aussi sa conviction que la probabilité de la violence des factions dans la république américaine peut non seulement être réduite par les remèdes républicains de la politique intérieure comme la constitutionnalisation, la démocratisation, la séparation des pouvoirs, le principe de la représentation ou la fédéralisation, mais aussi par les valves de sécurité fournis par la politique étrangers, notamment la disponibilité d'un grande nombre des terrains pour le développement du peuple américaine et les conditions commerciales favorables qui facilitent l'accès aux marchés étrangères pour les produits américaines. / The emancipation of American political thought from its European origins was a multi-layered process. The concept of sovereignty which was according to the renowned historian Gordon Wood the "single most important abstractions of politics in the entire Revolutionary era", was at the heart of this intellectual emancipation process in the early years of United States of America. One of the most important contributors to this debate was James Madison (1751-1836), a politician known as the father of the American constitution, revered as one of the authors of the Federalist Papers, alongside Hamilton and Jay, and remembered as the fourth President of the United States of America. The thesis aims to reconstruct the contribution of Madison to the Americanization of sovereignty by analyzing his speeches, essays and private correspondence. These analyses suggest that Madison proposed a double-faced concept of sovereignty. Concerning the internal dimension of sovereignty, he defended the idea of a limited sovereignty in the form of American constitutionnalism. Concerning the external dimension of sovereignty, he imagined a sovereignty without those limits and in continuous extension, an idea he developed during the course of his career into a concept which was in line with the postulates of the westphalian system of the European nation states. To illustrate the political implications of this line of reasoning, I suggest one can formulate a "Madison theorem" characterizing the particular link between internal and external sovereignty in his political thought: The liberal secularized state lives by prerequisites, that he should guarantee through his foreign policy. This reformulation of a statement by the renowned German jurist Böckenförde does not only describe Madison's consciousness for the precarious nature of liberty in constitutional democracies, but also his conviction that the probability of the violence of factions in the American republic cannot only be reduced by republican remedies in the field of domestic policy, like constitutionnalisation, democratization, the separation of powers, the principle of representation or Federalisation. But that the probability of the violence of factions can also be reduced by safety valves provided by foreign policy, like the availability of land for the development of the American people or favorable commercial conditions facilitating the access for american products to foreign markets.

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / This thesis explores the causes of Russian foreign policy towards Georgia. It argues that the Russian Federation continues to pursue a policy which weakens the sovereignty of the Caucasus. The main priority of this thesis is to identify why the Russian Federation seems to be pursuing a set of policies that economically and politically weaken the sovereignty of Georgia. Therefore, this thesis examines the forces and factors of Russian domestic politics that drive Russian national interests towards the Caucasus. The analysis focuses on one particular issue-area: the role of the economic elite in shaping Russia's domestic and foreign policies vis-a-vis the state in the electricity sector. In focusing on the energy policies of the Russian Federation, this thesis reveals the negative consequences for Georgia's sovereignty that result from a strong Russian influence in the region. This thesis analyzes how Russian national interests towards Georgia challenge the latter to establish autonomous decisionmaking with regard to its foreign policy and to exercise its own authority through an exclusive competence in internal affairs of the state. In conclusion, this thesis offers policy prescriptions on how Georgia might best preserve its sovereignty with respect to the Russian Federation in terms of energy dependency. / Civilian, Ministry of Defense, Georgia

This thesis seeks to show how the reassessment of Arendt's thought for contemporary international political theory must be grounded in her first major published work, The Origins of Totalitarianism, and, more specifically, in the concept of the political she outlines therein. The thesis begins by examining how Arendt interprets the political sui generis. It shows how this concept, which influences much of her scholarship from the 1950s onwards and serves as a critical measure against which she assesses modern-day events, is disclosed for the first time in Part II of Origins through her engagement with particular topics and phenomena related to European colonial imperialism. Using this somewhat neglected text as a point of departure, the main body of the thesis examines Arendt's thoughts on three ‘anti-political' impulses of the contemporary world that have clear international ramifications: sovereignty, nationalism and imperialism. The work is divided into three corresponding sections. Each contains a chapter providing an interpretive study of Arendt's text on the subject, followed by a chapter applying the key themes, insights and dangers previously highlighted to some of the most intractable global situations today such as the international human rights regime, atomic weaponry and war, biopolitical control, genocide studies and neoliberal globalisation. In so doing, the thesis does not aim to ‘find' in Arendt's work determinate answers to the crises of our time, but rather to use her perceptions as critical inspiration to think about them differently.

Este trabalho trata da narrativa de resistência que o Movimento de Pequenos Agricultores-MPA constituiu para resistir aos processos de expropriação das sementes dos camponeses, no estado de Santa Catarina, Brasil. O objetivo é analisar como o projeto de sementes do movimento influenciou a construção da soberania alimentar por meio de suas ações junto às instituições. Como instrumentos metodológicos fontes primárias e secundárias foram utilizadas, levando em consideração o referencial teórico da ecologia política, focado em conceitos de conflitos socioambientais, justiça ambiental e soberania alimentar. Assim, foi realizada pesquisa de campo, nos anos de 2015 e 2016, nos estados do Distrito Federal, Santa Catarina e Rio Grande do Sul, com diferentes atores que participaram do processo. Da análise constata-se que o movimento por meio da cooperativa Oestebio, desenvolveu a experiência de massificação de sementes crioulas e varietais a partir de uma ampla articulação de ações, alianças com instituições e outros movimentos, influenciando e sendo influenciado por políticas públicas e ações do Estado para constituir a soberania genética com base no projeto de soberania alimentar. Ao teceram uma longa teia de relações, articulando os campos político, econômico, científico e socioambiental, ancorado no diálogo constante nos diferentes níveis local, regional, nacional e internacional - constituíram uma experiência portadora da soberania alimentar dentro dos limites atuais da economia política contemporânea, expropriadora de recursos e geradora de conflitos e injustiças socioambientais. / This thesis is about the resistance narrative of Small Farmers Movement has established to resist to expropriation of peasants seeds, in the Santa Catarina state, Brazil. The goal is to analyze how the project of seed of the movement has impacted the food sovereignty throughout its actions with institutions. Primary and secondary sources were used as methodological tools taking account the political ecology approach, focusing on concepts such as socio-environmental conflicts, environmental justice and food sovereignty. A field work was conducted, in 2015 and 2016, in Distrito Federal, Santa Catarina and Rio Grande do Sul states, interviewing several actors who took part of this process. It was verified that the movement by means of Oestebio cooperative developed the experience of multliplication of native and varietals seeds throughout a broad articulation of actions, alliances with institutions and others social movements. It has influenced and has received influence of public policies and State actions to constitute genetic sovereignty based on its food sovereignty project. By weaving a long web of relations, connecting the political, economical, scientific and socio-environmental fields, based on a frequent dialogue in different levels local, regional, national and international they built an experience of food sovereignty inside current limits of the political economy, expropriator of resources and producer of socio-environmental conflicts and injustices.

ABSTRACT UNEASY COEXISTENCE: &ldquo / ISLAMISM VS. REPUBLICANISM&rdquo / DEBATE IN THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN Arikan, Pinar M. Sc., Department of International Relations Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Meliha AltuniSik December 2006, 170 pages The objective of this thesis is to analyze the Islamist and republican features of the political regime of the Islamic Republic of Iran. It aims to identify the relationship between Islamism and republicanism in terms of institutional and practical means throughout the period since the establishment of the Islamic Republic. It seeks an answer to the question of how the Islamist and republican orientations that built up the political regime and the system of governance in the Islamic Republic of Iran have affected the domestic political and ideological developments. For this aim, firstly, the history of ulama-state relations as well as the history of constitutional tradition in Iran is discussed. Then, the impact of Islamism and republicanism in the process of establishment of the new regime in Iran is examined. Afterwards, the emergence of Islamism and republicanism as indigenous ideological currents and the political groups that appealed to these two orientations are analyzed with special emphasis to the role of Khomeini in this process. In the remaining part, the institutional and practical implications of the coexistence of Islamist and republican orientations are scrutinized during the presidencies of Rafsanjani and Khatami respectively. Finally, this thesis is concluded with an overall assessment of Islamism vs. republicanism debate with reference to the 2005 presidential elections.

Thesis (M.A.) - Carleton University, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 187-204). Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

Este trabalho trata da narrativa de resistência que o Movimento de Pequenos Agricultores-MPA constituiu para resistir aos processos de expropriação das sementes dos camponeses, no estado de Santa Catarina, Brasil. O objetivo é analisar como o projeto de sementes do movimento influenciou a construção da soberania alimentar por meio de suas ações junto às instituições. Como instrumentos metodológicos fontes primárias e secundárias foram utilizadas, levando em consideração o referencial teórico da ecologia política, focado em conceitos de conflitos socioambientais, justiça ambiental e soberania alimentar. Assim, foi realizada pesquisa de campo, nos anos de 2015 e 2016, nos estados do Distrito Federal, Santa Catarina e Rio Grande do Sul, com diferentes atores que participaram do processo. Da análise constata-se que o movimento por meio da cooperativa Oestebio, desenvolveu a experiência de massificação de sementes crioulas e varietais a partir de uma ampla articulação de ações, alianças com instituições e outros movimentos, influenciando e sendo influenciado por políticas públicas e ações do Estado para constituir a soberania genética com base no projeto de soberania alimentar. Ao teceram uma longa teia de relações, articulando os campos político, econômico, científico e socioambiental, ancorado no diálogo constante nos diferentes níveis local, regional, nacional e internacional - constituíram uma experiência portadora da soberania alimentar dentro dos limites atuais da economia política contemporânea, expropriadora de recursos e geradora de conflitos e injustiças socioambientais. / This thesis is about the resistance narrative of Small Farmers Movement has established to resist to expropriation of peasants seeds, in the Santa Catarina state, Brazil. The goal is to analyze how the project of seed of the movement has impacted the food sovereignty throughout its actions with institutions. Primary and secondary sources were used as methodological tools taking account the political ecology approach, focusing on concepts such as socio-environmental conflicts, environmental justice and food sovereignty. A field work was conducted, in 2015 and 2016, in Distrito Federal, Santa Catarina and Rio Grande do Sul states, interviewing several actors who took part of this process. It was verified that the movement by means of Oestebio cooperative developed the experience of multliplication of native and varietals seeds throughout a broad articulation of actions, alliances with institutions and others social movements. It has influenced and has received influence of public policies and State actions to constitute genetic sovereignty based on its food sovereignty project. By weaving a long web of relations, connecting the political, economical, scientific and socio-environmental fields, based on a frequent dialogue in different levels local, regional, national and international they built an experience of food sovereignty inside current limits of the political economy, expropriator of resources and producer of socio-environmental conflicts and injustices.

Many scholars perceive state sovereignty as absolute, inviolable, indivisible, final, binding and stagnant. That perception emanates from inter alia political, social, cultural and environmental contexts of the modern era. Most literature converge that the doctrine of sovereignty first received official codification at the Peace Treaty of Westphalia in 1648. Contemporary international norms, particularly the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine, are arguably an environment and culture of current global politics. With human rights and democracy having taken centre-stage in contemporary political discourses, sovereignty is affected and influenced by such developments in international politics. Hence the argument that globalisation, among others, has eroded, weakened and rendered the doctrine of sovereignty obsolete. This study, using Zimbabwe‟s Operation Murambatsvina as a case study, demonstrates that sovereignty is neither unitary in practice, nor sacrosanct; it is dynamic and evolves, thus, in need of constant reconfiguration. To this end, the study uses the qualitative research methodology. / Political Sciences

<p>Israel's establishment in 1948 in former British-Mandate Palestine as a Jewish country and as a liberal democracy is commonly understood as a form of response to the Holocaust of WWII. Zionist narratives frame Israel's establishment not only as a response to the Holocaust, but also as a return to the Jewish people's original homeland after centuries of wandering in exile. Debates over Israel's policies, particularly with regard to Palestinians and to the country's non-Jewish population, often center on whether Israel's claims to Jewish singularity are at the expense of principles of liberal democracy, international law and universal human rights. In this dissertation, I argue that Israel's emphasis on Jewish singularity can be understood not as a violation of humanism's universalist frameworks, but as a symptom of the violence inherent to these frameworks and to the modern liberal rights-bearing subject on which they are based. Through an analysis of my fieldwork in Israel (2005-2008), I trace the relation between the figures of "Jew" and "Israeli" in terms of their historical genealogies and in contemporary Israeli contexts. Doing so makes legible how European modernity and its concepts of sovereignty, liberalism, the human, and subjectivity are based on a metaphysics of presence that defines the human through a displacement of difference. This displaced difference is manifest in affective expression. This dissertation shows how the figure of the Jew in relation to Israel reveals sexual difference as under erasure by the suppression of alterity in humanism's configuration of man, woman, and animal, and suggests a political subject unable to be sovereign or fully represented in language.</p> / Dissertation

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2009. / In recent years it has become increasingly evident that the idea of the state as a universal (Western) type of governance structure, i.e. a set of bureaucratic institutions headed by a central government with the capacity and interest to govern all of its territory, is incongruent with realities on the ground, particularly within the African continent. The 1990s has been a critical period in the evolution of African statehood, during which old strategies of state control have broken down. While this has given rise to a debate on the ‘failure’ of African statehood, it has also led to attempts to revise and expand theories and concepts of statehood and set off a search for more indigenous and empirically viable alternatives to the state as it was devised by the European colonizers. This thesis aims at contributing to the debate on the challenges and potentials of contemporary African statehood by investigating the case of de facto statehood in Somaliland emerging on the backdrop of state failure in Somalia. The collapse of the de jure state of the Republic of Somalia in 1991 provided an opportunity for Somaliland to fundamentally redefine the pillars of statehood and governance. This entailed the combining of modern institution building with traditional practices of governance, to in this way bolster the capacity and legitimacy of the new de facto state in the north of what is formally recognized as Somalia. Drawing on the analytical framework of ‘mediated state’ provided by Ken Menkhaus, this thesis explores Somaliland’s self-reliant path to state formation as well as the governance structures which underpin its contemporary statehood. Particular attention is given to the role of traditional authorities as driving forces behind state formation and as a means of complementing the under-capacitated state institutions. The study thus relates to the debate on the resurgence of traditional leadership in Africa. The resurgence of traditional leadership within governance is a tendency which is part of a broader development of the reconfiguration of the state in Africa since the early 1990s – a tendency which introduces new possibilities, as well as new risks, in terms of reconstituting new viable governance structures. The study concludes that Somaliland’s approach to state formation demonstrates an impressive indigenous alternative to externally driven top-down attempts to revive centralized statehood, and that the case also challenges the perception that the breakdown of old strategies of state control necessarily leads to generalized anarchy. The study, however, also points out some risks involved in the exercise of the state and the traditional authorities ‘converting’ different forms of power between different realms of governance, and concludes that collaboration between the state and traditional authorities does not per se counteract undemocratic governance practices. On this basis the study suggests that the new ambiguous roles of traditional authorities within governance in Africa merit more academic attention.