Fundação Carlos Chagas Filho de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / O objetivo deste trabalho é investigar a influência da elite empresarial local nas alternativas políticas para a cidade do Rio de Janeiro ao longo dos anos 1990. A importância de compreender o papel da elite empresarial carioca na construção de um projeto político para a cidade do Rio de Janeiro está pautada no postulado de que essa elite é peça fundamental para a projeção da cidade, atuando em várias esferas de poder, entre as quais o Executivo e o Legislativo estadual e municipal. A nossa investigação baseia-se, também, no fato de que os gestores da prefeitura, ao construir um projeto para cidade do Rio de Janeiro, estiveram atentos ao empresariado local, compondo parcerias. Neste sentido, a nossa pesquisa procurou analisar os aspectos políticos e ideológicos sobre os quais se fundamentaram tais parcerias. Tal influência ocorreu de diversas formas: projetos liderados pelos empresários cariocas, cargos no executivo e criação de conselhos empresariais para a resolução de determinados problemas da cidade. / The goal of this paper is to investigate the influence of the local business elite over the political alternatives for Rio de Janeiro city in the 1990`s. It is extremely important to understand the role of the carioca business elite in the process of creating a political project to Rio de Janeiro city, due to the fact that this elite is a key element to the projection of the city, since it exerts influence over the state and municipal Executive and Legislative powers. This research is also based on the fact that the municipal managers took into consideration the local businesses, with the intention of having them as partners, when the city's political project was idealized. This way, our research aims at analyzing the ideological and political aspects which lie behind such partnerships. This influence presented itself in different forms throughout the process: projects which were led by carioca enterpreneurs, positions in the Executive power and the creation of local business counselling committes responsible for dealing with some specific problems of the city.

Fundação Carlos Chagas Filho de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / O objetivo deste trabalho é investigar a influência da elite empresarial local nas alternativas políticas para a cidade do Rio de Janeiro ao longo dos anos 1990. A importância de compreender o papel da elite empresarial carioca na construção de um projeto político para a cidade do Rio de Janeiro está pautada no postulado de que essa elite é peça fundamental para a projeção da cidade, atuando em várias esferas de poder, entre as quais o Executivo e o Legislativo estadual e municipal. A nossa investigação baseia-se, também, no fato de que os gestores da prefeitura, ao construir um projeto para cidade do Rio de Janeiro, estiveram atentos ao empresariado local, compondo parcerias. Neste sentido, a nossa pesquisa procurou analisar os aspectos políticos e ideológicos sobre os quais se fundamentaram tais parcerias. Tal influência ocorreu de diversas formas: projetos liderados pelos empresários cariocas, cargos no executivo e criação de conselhos empresariais para a resolução de determinados problemas da cidade. / The goal of this paper is to investigate the influence of the local business elite over the political alternatives for Rio de Janeiro city in the 1990`s. It is extremely important to understand the role of the carioca business elite in the process of creating a political project to Rio de Janeiro city, due to the fact that this elite is a key element to the projection of the city, since it exerts influence over the state and municipal Executive and Legislative powers. This research is also based on the fact that the municipal managers took into consideration the local businesses, with the intention of having them as partners, when the city's political project was idealized. This way, our research aims at analyzing the ideological and political aspects which lie behind such partnerships. This influence presented itself in different forms throughout the process: projects which were led by carioca enterpreneurs, positions in the Executive power and the creation of local business counselling committes responsible for dealing with some specific problems of the city.

La thèse s’intéresse à l’évolution des conceptions de contrôle (Fligstein, 1996) des entreprises publiques du secteur de l’énergie (EDF, GDF, Areva, et à titre comparatif, Total, Elf et Technip) de 1986 à 2016. Elle montre comment ce changement est initié par la libéralisation des marchés de l’énergie et entretenu par une évolution de la manière dont la haute administration et les directions des entreprises se représentent les firmes et la forme organisationnelle qu’elles doivent adopter (partie I). Les dynamiques du champ de l’énergie sont ainsi tributaires de celles du champ bureaucratique et notamment de l’importance accrue de la sphère politique en son sein. Les firmes se regroupent lors de fusions, et se concurrencent entre elles, encadrées par le champ bureaucratique de l’énergie et la Commission européenne (partie II). Enfin, la désinscription (partielle et différenciée) du champ bureaucratique se double d’une réinscription dans un environnement financier et dans le champ européen de l’énergie au travers d’une internationalisation des firmes (partie III). La thèse s’appuie sur des archives de l’administration, une analyse de la littérature grise, 75 entretiens réalisés avec des dirigeants exécutifs de grandes entreprises de l’énergie et hauts fonctionnaires, et une analyse quantitative de leurs carrières. / The dissertation deals with the conception of control (Fligstein, 1996) dynamics of state-oxned firms in the energy industry (EDF, GDF, Areva, and in a copmparative capacity, Total, Elf and Technip) from 1986 to 2016. It shows how the change is initiated by the liberalization of energy markets and fuelled by a change in the way executive committees and high civil servants perceive the firms and their organizational form (part I). The dynamics of the energy industry depend on those caracterizing the bureaucratic field and the European Commission. Firms concentrate and compete with one another, with the supervision of the bureaucratic field and the European commission (part II). The – partial and differenciated - estrangement of the energy industry from the bureaucratic field goes together with a rapprochement in a financial environment and the European field of energy via a internationlization of the firms (part III). The dissertation relies on archives from the public administration for energy, 75 interviews with hitg ranking executives from the firms and civils servants ; and a quantitative analysis of their career patterns.

This diploma thesis deals with the process of oligarchization of Bulgaria after 1989. The collapse of the communist regime had created the opportunities for the emergence of a small group of ultra-wealthy citizens who had been to a varying degree involved in the process of policy decision-making therefore one can speak of oligarchy. The aim of the study is to offer a complex insight into the Bulgarian oligarchy in the years 1989-1997 while using the theoretical perspective of an American political scientist Jeffrey Winters. The other objective is to apply the parameters established by Winters for the purpose of the research of this phenomenon to the Bulgarian case in order to further develop his typology of oligarchies. The thesis put Bulgarian oligarchy into the broader context of the structural changes that took place in the country within the examined period. Based upon the analysis of the strategies for wealth defence, the thesis then presents the uniqueness of Bulgarian oligarchy. The central finding of this study is that, within one country, the oligarchs can adopt diverse strategies for wealth defence and thus one cannot speak of oligarchy in singular. The main contribution then lies in the introduction of two new types of oligarchy: aggressive and moderate.

Brazil is a country with great social disparities, in which most often those who are poor stay poor, and those who are rich stay rich. While literature on the former is extensive, the lifestyles of the latter is a highly understudied research area. An investigation of educational strategies which elite families formulate to ensure that children are appropriately equipped for life after leaving the parents’ home, could shed some light on the reproduction of social class in Brazil. For this purpose, this thesis investigates aspects of these educational strategies, based on a case study of economic elite families in the North-Eastern city of Recife. The focus of this investigation, however, is on educational strategies and not social reproduction itself. Based on qualitative interviews conducted in a field study in Recife, the investigation enters the homes and lives of 16 families pertaining to the economic elite. The thesis elaborates on themes such as families’ socio-economic background, schooling and extracurricular activities, social relationships, education and transmission of values at home, and the meaning of being upper-class among poverty. The findings suggest that elite life in Recife is limited to the same social spaces, such as schools or neighbourhood, and that influential factors in the education of children are their mothers and international experience. The thesis concludes that while educational strategies may be formulated differently by families with different backgrounds and resources, globalization and current social transformations are a shared experience in the economic elite in Recife, upon which families formulate their educational strategies accordingly.

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / This thesis explores the causes of Russian foreign policy towards Georgia. It argues that the Russian Federation continues to pursue a policy which weakens the sovereignty of the Caucasus. The main priority of this thesis is to identify why the Russian Federation seems to be pursuing a set of policies that economically and politically weaken the sovereignty of Georgia. Therefore, this thesis examines the forces and factors of Russian domestic politics that drive Russian national interests towards the Caucasus. The analysis focuses on one particular issue-area: the role of the economic elite in shaping Russia's domestic and foreign policies vis-a-vis the state in the electricity sector. In focusing on the energy policies of the Russian Federation, this thesis reveals the negative consequences for Georgia's sovereignty that result from a strong Russian influence in the region. This thesis analyzes how Russian national interests towards Georgia challenge the latter to establish autonomous decisionmaking with regard to its foreign policy and to exercise its own authority through an exclusive competence in internal affairs of the state. In conclusion, this thesis offers policy prescriptions on how Georgia might best preserve its sovereignty with respect to the Russian Federation in terms of energy dependency. / Civilian, Ministry of Defense, Georgia

No description available.

Comment se constitue un pouvoir politique réputé "absolu" là où dans la séquence historique immédiatement antérieure le chef de l’Etat ne jouissait pas d’une position prééminente ? Norbert Elias avait placé cette énigme au cœur de ses réflexions dans La société de cour. L’ambition de cette thèse est de la reprendre à partir d’un tout autre contexte socio-historique et sur une temporalité plus courte : en s’inspirant de la démarche éliasienne mais aussi de la sociologie pragmatique et de certains apports de l’ethnométhodologie, il s’agit de comprendre, d’une manière sociologique, comment, en l’espace d’à peine deux décennies, un rapport de domination politique particulièrement marqué a pu s’instaurer en Russie entre le chef de l’Etat et les magnats de l’économie. Pour répondre à cette question, la thèse se centre sur une forme particulière de cérémonial où la déférence à l’égard du chef de l’Etat peut être observée publiquement - les interviews télévisées avec des membres des élites économiques - et développe trois arguments. Fondé sur l’analyse d’un corpus d’émissions diffusées sur la chaîne de télévision publique Rossiya 24 et sur celle, « indépendante », Dozhd, aussi bien que sur les entretiens « exégétiques » avec les intervieweurs de deux chaînes, l’enquête démontre que la domination du chef de l’Etat repose pour une part essentielle sur la croyance collective, partagée au sein des élites, en un ensemble de règles – le pacte – qui prescrivent de quelle façon il convient de traiter la personne du Président dans l’espace public. La thèse montre ensuite la place centrale qu’occupent les médias dans la reproduction de l’ordre politique aujourd’hui en Russie. Ceux-ci se présentent comme le théâtre où se constitue la croyance des élites dans le pouvoir « absolu » du président. Afin de le montrer la thèse étudie, à l’aide d’entretiens réalisés avec les journalistes et les responsables des deux chaînes de télévision concernées, le dispositif matériel et organisationnel de ces chaînes. Finalement, à travers l’analyse d’un corpus de données de presse et de documents audiovisuels, la thèse montre que l’effort de soumission au chef de l’Etat, que les membres des élites économiques russes manifestent de plus en plus nettement dans certaines situations publiques à partir des années 2010 s’explique par la transformation de la sensibilité et de l’habitus psychique propre au groupe social des oligarques – transformation elle-même liée à l’évolution de la « balance des pouvoirs » au sein des élites au cours de la décennie 2000. / How a political power deemed “absolute” is established where during the previous historical period the chief of the state could not not enjoy such a pre-eminent position? Norbert Elias had placed this question at the heart of his reflections in The court society. The idea of this thesis is to apply the Eliasian question to a different socio-historical context. Drawing inspiration from the Eliasian approach, but also from pragmatic sociology and ethnomethodology, this thesis aims to understand how a system of the relations of domination between the head of the state and the tycoons could form in Russia in less than twenty years. To answer this question, the thesis focuses on a particular form of publicly observable ceremonial of deference towards the head of the state - television interviews with members of the economic elites. The thesis develops three arguments. Based on the analysis of a corpus of programs broadcasted on the public television channel Rossiya 24 and on the "independent" channel Dozhd, as well as on the "exegetical" interviews with interviewers of two channels, the thesis demonstrates that the domination of the head of the state is based on the collective belief, shared among the members of elites, in a set of rules which prescribe how the person of the president should be treated in the public space. Secondly, the thesis shows the central role played by the media in the reproduction of the political order in Russia. The media can be seen as the theater where the belief in the "absolute" power of the president is formed. In order to show this, the thesis studies the organization of the two television channels through interviews with journalists and officials of these channels. Finally, through the analysis of a corpus of press and audio-visual documents, the thesis shows that the effort of submission to the head of the State, that the members of the Russian economic elites manifest more and more clearly in certain public situations in recent years, can be explained by the transformation of their psychic habitus and sensibility. This transformation is related to the evolution of the "balance of powers" within the elites during this decade.

Mehr als zwei Jahrzehnte nach der wirtschaftlichen Liberalisierung Indiens kam es zur Herausbildung einer neuen Kultur des Unternehmergeistes, eines kapitalistischen Geistes. Sie umfasst die Wiederbelebung traditioneller wie auch das Entstehen angeblich moderner Werte. Die Kultur des Unternehmergeistes bezog sich vorwiegend auf die aufstrebende Mittelschicht des Landes. Diese Arbeitet erforscht wie der kapitalistische Geist in der Wirtschaftselite im indischen Bundesstaat Gujarat entsteht. Das Ziel der Forschung liegt in der Erklärung von Ungleichzeitigkeit im kapitalistischen Geist. Gujarat bietet sich als Region für eine solche Analyse an, da der Staat sowohl über wirtschaftliche Traditionen verfügt wie auch eine starke wirtschaftliche Öffnung erfährt. Den kapitalistischen Geist fasse ich als kapitalistisches Ethos im Anschluss an Pierre Bourdieus Konzept des Habitus. In Kombination mit Boike Rehbeins Konzept der Soziokultur, welches nebeneinander bestehende Lagen mit unterschiedlichen sozio-historischem Ursprüngen in einer Gesellschaft erklärt, gehe ich der Forschungsfrage nach dem Entstehen des kapitalistischen Geistes nach. Die Forschung wurde mittels der Dokumentarischen Methode mit qualitativen Interviews mit der Wirtschaftselite in Gujarat durchgeführt. Dem kapitalistischen Ethos in der Wirtschaftselite in Gujarat liegen drei Soziokulturen zugrunde, die mit der Britischen Kolonialzeit und Industrialisierung (1850-1947), mit der Zeit der eingeschränkten Wirtschaft (1947-1991) und mit der wirtschaftlichen Liberalisierung (1991) entstanden. Das kapitalistische Ethos wird in den Soziokulturen verschiedentlich interpretiert. Ich habe drei kapitalistische Ethoi rekonstruiert: das Mahajan Ethos, das Nehruvianische Ethos und das Neoliberale Ethos. / Almost two decades after India’s economic liberalization, scholars found the emergence of a new moral order. This new enterprise culture, or capitalist spirit, entailed the revival of traditional as well the formation of putatively modern values. While this enterprise culture accounted mostly to the emerging middle class in the country, similar changes were observed at the core of industrial capitalism: management styles, which remained unstudied sociologically. This thesis investigates how the capitalist spirit in the business elite in the Indian state of Gujarat emerges. The purpose of this study is to explain the emergence of asynchronicity in the capitalist spirit. Studying the business elite in a state with a stronghold in business traditions as well as a stark economic liberalization contributes to the above mentioned studies. Based on literature review I argue for the capitalist spirit as capitalist ethos, drawing on Pierre Bourdieu’s habitus concept in combination with Boike Rehbein ‘s concept of socioculture, which explains coexisting layers in societies of different socio-historical origins. This research interest was operationalized with the documentary method, conducting qualitative interviews with the top business leaders in Gujarat. In this study, the capitalist ethos in the business elite in Gujarat emerges in three sociocultures that arose with British colonialism and industrialization (1850-1947), with the restricted economy (1947-1991), and with economic liberalization (1991). The capitalist ethos is differently interpreted in the sociocultures and therefore gains different meaning. I reconstructed the three capitalist ethoi of the Mahajan Ethos, the Nehruvian Ethos and the Neoliberal Ethos, respectively.