Author: Andrey Khayrullaev Title of the Thesis: EXPANSION STRATEGY OF RUSSIA'S GAZPROM INTO EUROPEAN MARKET AND EUROPEAN COUNTERACTION POLICY Year of defence: 2012 ABSTRACT In the period of globalization, energy security has substantial implications for the mutual security of supply and demand. It is dependent on several factors as security of supply, resilience and interdependence. As the result, multi-national corporations controlling wide energy resources are becoming more and more involved in the international politics - the situation when supplier is not just one of the contractual parities but "tool" for political pressure of its host state. Russian Gazprom, which operates on European natural gas market, is the vivid example of such situation. The research project is based on a deep review of relevant literature sources using the data analyzing, comparative analysis and the case study methods. The main research questions are the following: are European "fears" justified and what are the perspectives for Europe to decrease its dependency on Russian natural gas export? The main conclusions to be drawn from this study are that Europe has full grounds to be against growing dependence on Gazprom, taking into account Gazprom's involvement into politics, its aggressive actions directed toward prevention of...

Master-Arbeit Univ. St. Gallen, 2008.

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O controle sobre recursos naturais como o petróleo e o gás representa um aspecto de fundamental importância no relacionamento entre países. Sendo majoritariamente controlada pelo Estado, o gerenciamento que as National Oil Companies (NOCs) fazem desses recursos possibilita sua utilização como uma ferramenta de política externa. Com o aumento dos preços dos hidrocarbonetos no mercado internacional a partir de 2000, o restabelecimento das NOCs passou a constituir uma nova possibilidade para se projetar poder em âmbito global. Nesse contexto, buscou-se, neste trabalho, analisar a eficácia da atuação da principal NOC russa, a Gazprom, para a política externa de Moscou. Para tanto, foram investigadas as relações da Rússia com quatro países: Alemanha, Ucrânia, China e Turquia. A conclusão é a de que a operacionalização da Gazprom pelo governo russo tem gerado resultados positivos para o país, ainda que tais resultados não alcancem todos os casos. Verificou-se que, em diferentes níveis, Alemanha, China e Turquia têm evitado contrapor-se diretamente a Moscou, sendo a Alemanha o caso mais significativo. A forte dependência alemã do gás natural russo tem mitigado uma postura hostil a Moscou, independentemente do partido que esteja à frente do governo. No caso da China, a dependência dos hidrocarbonetos russos também desempenha um papel importante na relação bilateral, embora outros interesses, ademais de questões energéticas, constituam igualmente fatores de aproximação e convergência. Em relação à Turquia, embora a dependência energética dos recursos russos seja também significativa nesse país, a localização estratégica do território turco tem permitido a Ancara barganhar vantagens econômicos junto a Moscou, abrandando, em certa medida, o poder da Gazprom. A Ucrânia, por sua vez, é um caso claramente dissonante: mesmo com a forte dependência deste país do gás natural russo, a política externa de Kiev tem assumido posturas manifestadamente contrárias aos interesses de Moscou. / Control over natural resources such as oil and gas is an aspect of fundamental importance in the relationship between countries. Being mostly controlled by the state, through National Oil Companies (NOCs), the management of these resources makes it possible for countries to use them as a foreign policy tool. With the increase in the prices of hydrocarbons in the international market since 2000, the reestablishment of NOCs became a new possibility of projecting power at a global level. In this context, the aim of this work is to analyze the effectiveness of the main Russian NOC, Gazprom, for Russian foreign policy. To this end, Russian relations with four countries, Germany, Ukraine, China and Turkey, were investigated. The conclusion is that Gazprom\'s management by Moscow has generated positive results for the country, although such positive results do not cover all cases. It has been found that, at different levels, Germany, China and Turkey have avoided opposing Moscow directly, with Germany being the most significant case. Germany\'s heavy dependence on Russian natural gas helps to mitigate any hostile stance against Moscow, regardless of which party is in office. In the case of China, dependence on Russian hydrocarbons also plays an important role in the bilateral relationship, but other factors, in addition to energy issues, contribute to their approximation and convergence. In the case of Turkey, although dependence on Russian energy is also high, Turkey\'s strategic location has allowed Ankara to bargain with Moscow, softening, to some extent, Gazprom\'s power. Ukraine, in turn, is a clearly a dissonant case: even with a strong dependence on Russian natural gas, Kiev has taken stances that are manifestly contrary to the interests of Moscow.

O controle sobre recursos naturais como o petróleo e o gás representa um aspecto de fundamental importância no relacionamento entre países. Sendo majoritariamente controlada pelo Estado, o gerenciamento que as National Oil Companies (NOCs) fazem desses recursos possibilita sua utilização como uma ferramenta de política externa. Com o aumento dos preços dos hidrocarbonetos no mercado internacional a partir de 2000, o restabelecimento das NOCs passou a constituir uma nova possibilidade para se projetar poder em âmbito global. Nesse contexto, buscou-se, neste trabalho, analisar a eficácia da atuação da principal NOC russa, a Gazprom, para a política externa de Moscou. Para tanto, foram investigadas as relações da Rússia com quatro países: Alemanha, Ucrânia, China e Turquia. A conclusão é a de que a operacionalização da Gazprom pelo governo russo tem gerado resultados positivos para o país, ainda que tais resultados não alcancem todos os casos. Verificou-se que, em diferentes níveis, Alemanha, China e Turquia têm evitado contrapor-se diretamente a Moscou, sendo a Alemanha o caso mais significativo. A forte dependência alemã do gás natural russo tem mitigado uma postura hostil a Moscou, independentemente do partido que esteja à frente do governo. No caso da China, a dependência dos hidrocarbonetos russos também desempenha um papel importante na relação bilateral, embora outros interesses, ademais de questões energéticas, constituam igualmente fatores de aproximação e convergência. Em relação à Turquia, embora a dependência energética dos recursos russos seja também significativa nesse país, a localização estratégica do território turco tem permitido a Ancara barganhar vantagens econômicos junto a Moscou, abrandando, em certa medida, o poder da Gazprom. A Ucrânia, por sua vez, é um caso claramente dissonante: mesmo com a forte dependência deste país do gás natural russo, a política externa de Kiev tem assumido posturas manifestadamente contrárias aos interesses de Moscou. / Control over natural resources such as oil and gas is an aspect of fundamental importance in the relationship between countries. Being mostly controlled by the state, through National Oil Companies (NOCs), the management of these resources makes it possible for countries to use them as a foreign policy tool. With the increase in the prices of hydrocarbons in the international market since 2000, the reestablishment of NOCs became a new possibility of projecting power at a global level. In this context, the aim of this work is to analyze the effectiveness of the main Russian NOC, Gazprom, for Russian foreign policy. To this end, Russian relations with four countries, Germany, Ukraine, China and Turkey, were investigated. The conclusion is that Gazprom\'s management by Moscow has generated positive results for the country, although such positive results do not cover all cases. It has been found that, at different levels, Germany, China and Turkey have avoided opposing Moscow directly, with Germany being the most significant case. Germany\'s heavy dependence on Russian natural gas helps to mitigate any hostile stance against Moscow, regardless of which party is in office. In the case of China, dependence on Russian hydrocarbons also plays an important role in the bilateral relationship, but other factors, in addition to energy issues, contribute to their approximation and convergence. In the case of Turkey, although dependence on Russian energy is also high, Turkey\'s strategic location has allowed Ankara to bargain with Moscow, softening, to some extent, Gazprom\'s power. Ukraine, in turn, is a clearly a dissonant case: even with a strong dependence on Russian natural gas, Kiev has taken stances that are manifestly contrary to the interests of Moscow.

Cílem této diplomové práce je ukázat podstatnou roli plynarenské společnosti "Gazprom" v politice a ekonomice Ruské federace, která je dnes většinou ovládána státem."Gazprom" vystupuje jako přirozený monopol na vnitřním energetickém trhu Ruska, jako jediný vývozce plynu z Ruska, ovládá všechnu síť dopravních potrubí Ruska, patří mu aktiva v zahraničí. Je přítomen i v jiných sférách hospodářství, čímž se stává vlivným instrumentem vnitřní a vnější politiky a ekonomiky Ruska.

L’histoire de Gazprom est une série de constantes adaptations – avec divers degrés de succès – aux conditions du marché européen et au format de dialogue avec toutes les parties impliquées dans le commerce du gaz à travers le continent. La compagnie a prospéré durant les années 1990 et 2000 dans un environnement où les principales caractéristiques de l’ancien modèle perduraient. Au même moment, Gazprom saisit constamment les nouvelles opportunités qui étaient offertes par la libéralisation et l’ouverture des marchés nationaux du gaz. Cela n’a pas empêché la compagnie de rencontrer des difficultés qui illustrent bien à quel point l’adaptation peut être difficile de temps à autres. Gazprom fait face actuellement à des défis qui sont devenus à travers le temps une cause particulière d’inquiétude. La principale difficulté est que cela arrive à une époque où le dialogue énergétique UE-Russie est mis à mal par des tensions plus générales qui affectent le dialogue entre l’Union européenne et la Fédération de Russie. / The history of Gazprom is a series of constant adaptations – with varying degrees of success – to both European market conditions and the format of dialogue with all parties involved in the gas business across the continent. The company thrived during the 1990s and the 2000s in an environment where the main characteristics of the former model were retained. At the same time, Gazprom constantly seized any new opportunity which was offered by the liberalization and opening up of national gas markets. This has not prevented the company from encountering a few difficulties, illustrating that adaptation can be difficult from time to time. Gazprom is facing structural challenges that have been of particular concern over the last few years. The major difficulty is that this occurs at a time when the wider EU-Russia energy dialogue is highly fraught due to severe tensions which are more broadly affecting the dialogue between the European Union and the Russian Federation.

Rusijos įtaka, formuojant Europos Sąjungos energetikos politiką ir Europos energetinį saugumą yra vienas iš svarbiausių ir aktualiausių klausimų. Kadangi, Rusija yra viena iš didžiausių energetinių išteklių tiekėjų į Europos Sąjungą, Rusija gali įtakoti sprendimų priėmimą Europos Sąjungoje, kurie yra susiję su energetikos politika. Europos Sąjunga yra valstybių narių asociacija, kuri veikia vieningai daugelyje sričių, tačiau atsižvelgiant į energetikos sektorių, kiekviena valstybė energetikos problemas sprendžia atskirai ir turi savo interesus. Europos Sąjunga neturi vieningos energetikos politikos, todėl Rusijai yra lengviau įtakoti politinius sprendimus Europos Sąjungoje, naudojantis energetiniais ištekliais. Magistrinio darbo tikslas – pažvelgti koks yra Rusijos vaidmuo, formuojant Europos Sąjungos energetikos politiką ir energetinį saugumą. Siekiant įgyvendinti tikslą, darbe analizuojama Europos Sąjungos energetinių išteklių priklausomybė nuo Rusijos, aptariama Rusijos vykdoma politika ir strategija Europoje, analizuojami Europos Sąjungos energetikos politikos tikslai, energetinis saugumas, nagrinėjamas Rusijos ir Europos Sąjungos energetinis dialogas, aptariami energijos tiekimo šaltinių pagrindiniai diversifikavimo projektai ir jų trūkumai, o taip pat remiantis ekspertų interviu analizuojami Rusijos įtakos tikslai ir veiksmai Europos Sąjungos energetikos politikoje. Magistriniame darbe keliama hipotezė - Europos Sąjungos energetikos politika yra priklausoma nuo Rusijos... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Russian influence in shaping European Union energy policy and energy security in Europe is one of the most important and pressing issues. Since, Russia is one of the largest suppliers of energy resources to the European Union. Russia is able influence decision-making in the European Union, with regard to energy policy. The European Union is an association of members, which acts unanimously in many areas, but given the energy division of European energy sectors, each country's energy problems are dealt with separately and follow their own interests. The European Union does not have a single energy policy, so it is easier for Russia to influence political decisions in the by using its energy resources to gain political concessions. The Masters aim is to look at the role Russia plays in forming the European Union's energy policy and energy security. In order to achieve the objective of the work the European Union’s energy resources and dependence on Russia are analyzed, in addition to Russia’s policy and strategy in Europe, the European Union's energy policy objectives concerning energy security, the issue of Russia and the European Union energy dialogue. The main sources of energy supply diversification projects and their deficiencies as well as expert interviews are analyzed on the basis of Russia’s declared objectives and actions toward the European Union's energy policy. Master work in assuming – the main conclusion that the European Union energy policy is dependent on... [to full text]

Master-Arbeit Univ. St. Gallen, 2007.

This thesis deals with the energy policy of the Russian Federation and its role within the Russian foreign policy towards the countries of the former Soviet Union. It focuses in particular on the Russian state gas monopoly Gazprom. The thesis inquires into Gazprom's relation to the Russian foreign policy and examines how and to what extent Russia uses Gazprom as a tool for enforcement of its political interests. It also analyses the implications of the Gazprom's acitivities in the postsoviet countries for the energy security of the European union.