Since its inception in 1995, more than 200 disputes have been raised under the WTO Dispute Settlement Understanding (DSU). In spite of the obvious numerical success of the DS system of the WTO, in practice several shortcomings call for institutional and/or procedural change. This analysis deals with the economic aspects of the DS system. First, it turns out that the WTO DS system seems to be "biased". The larger and richer trading nations (USA, EU) are the main users of this system, either because of the larger involvement in world trade, or because the LDCs simply lack the legal resources. Second, in taking advantage of recent theoretical explanations of the WTO system in general (trade talks) and the DS system in particular (aberrations from WTO compliance can lead to trade wars) one can theoretically derive the relative robust result concerning the present practice of the WTO DS system: retaliation with tariffs is ineffective, distorts allocation and is difficult to control. This is also demonstrated in an CGE model analysis for the most popular disputes between the EU and the USA: the Hormones, the Bananas and the FSC cases. The major conclusion of our economic evaluation is that the DS system of retaliation should be changed towards a transfer-like retaliation system. (author's abstract) / Series: EI Working Papers / Europainstitut

Export legal regulation of the European Union as a part of common trade policy The thesis focuses on export of goods from EU to third countries, its legal regulation on both primary and secondary level and its display in the Czech legal regulation. Subsequently, the legal regulation is compared to export legal regulation of WTO. The aim of this comparison is to find out, whether there are any conflicts between EU and WTO regulations. Hypothesis consists of two thoughts: a) Legal regulation of export of goods as a part of EU common trade policy is embedded in EU law in detail. Export of goods is regulated (special) or banned in comparison to the regular export regime in certain cases; b) EU legal regulation of export of goods is in compliance with WTO legal regulation of export of goods. The descriptive, analytical (in part related to EU legal regulation) and comparative (in part related to WTO export regulation) methods were used when verifying the hypothesis. The thesis consists of two main parts. The first one aims to describe and analyze the EU common trade policy in relation to export of goods and its display in primary and secondary law. The aspects of common trade policy as an external activity is described as well. Based on this analysis, the thesis concludes that hypothesis "a)" is true and...

The Russian market represents big opportunities for Czech exporters in the near and distant future. Czech companies have gained a lot of comparative advantages in the past periode: language simillarities, trade connections, cooperation of producing companies, good knowledge of local regional specifities etc. There are large scale of opportunities in traditional and new industry, glass and wooden industry, petrol and gas companies. It is necessary to know specific conditions and risks of the Russian market. To be competitive it requests not only to export but to account with capital participation. Objectives and Hypothesis of the dissertation: Basic goals: Analysis of the business climate in Russia as the result of the transformation process from centrally directed to market system and democracy. Evaluation of changes in the competitive position of Czech exporters and investors on Russian market. There are various measures and tools of the improvement of the competitiveness of Czech exports on the Russian market. As the member of the EU the Czech republic participates on all trade agreements valid in the trade relations between EU and Russia, first of all it is Partnership and Cooperation Agreement inclusive MFN regime (the Most Favoured Nation Clause). Czech exporters have a lot of strong points in the return to Russian market. There are also certain weaknesses, a lot of opportunities but also threatens. The Czech institutions which provide effective and complex credit and insurance support for Czech exporters are: Czech Export Bank and Export Guarantee and Insurance Company.

The negotiations of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) triggered an unprecedented level of protests in the European Union (EU) in several member states. However, it was unclear whether the contestation of TTIP led to the Europeanisation of the national public spheres (Risse, 2010), given the general national fragmentation of the political debate in Europe (Koopmans and Statham, 2010a). This thesis analyses the debate and politicisation of TTIP in the Spanish, French and British media, and aims to answer two research questions. First, how and to what extent were national media discourses about TTIP Europeanised? Second, how does this type of Europeanisation of public spheres contribute to the democratic legitimacy of the EU? In order to answer the two research questions, an interdisciplinary theoretical framework has been put forward. Departing from the literature on the European public sphere (Koopmans & Erbe, 2004; Fossum & Schlesinger, 2007; Eriksen, 2005; Trenz, 2009) and the importance of analysing the Europeanisation of public spheres at the national level (Risse, 2010), the thesis argues that the literature often overlooks the role of conflict in the understanding of the public sphere. The gap in the literature has been addressed through a hybrid conceptualisation of the public sphere, combining a typically Habermasian deliberative approach with Chantal Mouffe’s ‘agonistics’. Empirically, the thesis undertakes a framing analysis of two different data sets through both qualitative and quantitative methods. The first data set is composed of press releases of a diverse group of EU-level political actors, in order to see what is the preferred framing of TTIP by different actors. The second is composed of the written articles dedicated to the TTIP negotiations in nine national news outlets (three from each selected country) in France, Spain and the UK, from the public announcement of the negotiations (February 2013) until the negotiations were officially frozen (November 2016). The actors’ discourse has been developed as a frame-mapping exercise undertaken inductively, identifying how different actors made sense of TTIP and put forward a number of competing frames. The findings of the empirical analysis of actors’ press releases indicate the attempt to strategically politicise or depoliticise the discussions around the TTIP negotiations, framed through different values by the different actors. These frames have been situated in categories, depending on whether they depoliticise TTIP, they challenge it in an agonistic or antagonistic way, or they focus on the negotiations as a process. The framing analysis of the media content on TTIP in the Spanish, French and British public spheres has revealed two separate chronological periods in the TTIP debate based on the presence of frames, measured through a framing ratio. The first period represents the traditional ‘permissive consensus’, while the second illustrates the agonistic politicisation of TTIP. Each national public sphere developed its own dynamics, which shows the importance that the national context has when discussing TTIP and Europe (Diez Medrano, 2003). However, while the Spanish, French and British public spheres have slightly different chronologies in their transitions from the first to the second period, there is a transnational coherence in terms of the frames of reference across the three countries. The findings of the media content analysis, particularly during the second period of the TTIP debate in the three countries, support the argument that there has been a Europeanisation of national public spheres that has happened in combination with a value-based and agonistic (Mouffe, 2013) politicisation. Rather than opposing the EU as a polity, the agonistic politicisation that has taken place in the case of TTIP has legitimised the EU by opening a space for the contestation of the negotiations, while accepting the EU as a political arena. The thesis argues that this agonistic Europeanisation of the national public spheres can lead towards an ‘empowering dissensus’ for European integration. The combination of agonistic politicisation and Europeanisation of public spheres is a process that matches ‘policy with politics’ at the EU level and normalises the EU as a polity by channeling conflict as politics in the Union rather than politics of the Union. / Doctorat en Information et communication / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

O objetivo geral desta pesquisa é analisar a atuação do Brasil em comércio exterior durante os anos de 2003 a 2013. Considera-se que neste período o país tem feito uso de medidas protecionistas com o objetivo de elevar a competitividade dos bens brasileiros. Este fato fica mais evidente a partir de 2011, com o lançamento do Plano Brasil Maior, dentro do qual as medidas de defesa comercial passam a integrar diretrizes oficiais do governo, em conjunto com perfurações tarifárias e aumentos de tarifas à importação. Além disso, outros programas, integrantes da política industrial e de comércio exterior, apresentam forte conteúdo nacionalista. Por outro lado, o fraco desempenho do setor industrial evidencia que, apesar do protecionismo, a indústria doméstica não consegue se restabelecer como setor dinâmico da economia. Nesse contexto, é possível afirmar que políticas comerciais que visam a combater processos de desindustrialização são paradoxais com as regras multilaterais? Para responder a esta pergunta, a análise foi dividida em dois artigos científicos. Primeiramente, é apresentada uma revisão bibliográfica sobre o tema da desindustrialização, para entender a evolução do conceito e a maneira como ele é trabalhado pelos principais autores nacionais e estrangeiros. O artigo busca incluir a política comercial, enquanto instrumento macroeconômico, nesta análise, ressaltando o seu papel nos resultados comerciais. Já o segundo artigo traz dados empíricos, a partir do levantamento das resoluções da CAMEX no período 2003-2013, com o objetivo de mapear o protecionismo da política comercial brasileira e entender se tais medidas servem ao propósito de exercer uma força contrária ao processo de desindustrialização. / The overall objective of this research is to analyze Brazilian performance in international trade from 2003 to 2013. During this period, Brazil has made use of protectionist measures in order to raise the competitiveness of its goods. It is more evident from 2011, with the launch of the \"Greater Brazil Plan\", within which the trade defense measures became part of the governmental guidelines, along with import tariff rate increases and perforations of Mercosul\'s Common External Tariff. In addition, there are other programs, within both trade and industrial policies, which present strong nationalist content. On the other hand, the low performance of the industrial sector shows that, despite the use of protectionist measures, the domestic industry could not be stablished, as a dynamic sector of the economy. In this context, is it possible to state that trade policies, which aim to fight de-industrialization are paradoxical with multilateral trade rules? To answer to this question, firstly, we present a review of the literature on the topic of de-industrialization, focusing on the definition of the concept, as well as how the main authors have used it. The article aims to include trade policy in the analysis, by highlighting its role in trade results, while a macroeconomic instrument. The second article provides empirical data from the survey of CAMEX resolutions during the years of 2003 to 2013, in order to map the protectionism content of Brazilian trade policy and to understand whether such measures serve to the purpose of exerting a counterforce to de deindustrialization process.

O objetivo geral desta pesquisa é analisar a atuação do Brasil em comércio exterior durante os anos de 2003 a 2013. Considera-se que neste período o país tem feito uso de medidas protecionistas com o objetivo de elevar a competitividade dos bens brasileiros. Este fato fica mais evidente a partir de 2011, com o lançamento do Plano Brasil Maior, dentro do qual as medidas de defesa comercial passam a integrar diretrizes oficiais do governo, em conjunto com perfurações tarifárias e aumentos de tarifas à importação. Além disso, outros programas, integrantes da política industrial e de comércio exterior, apresentam forte conteúdo nacionalista. Por outro lado, o fraco desempenho do setor industrial evidencia que, apesar do protecionismo, a indústria doméstica não consegue se restabelecer como setor dinâmico da economia. Nesse contexto, é possível afirmar que políticas comerciais que visam a combater processos de desindustrialização são paradoxais com as regras multilaterais? Para responder a esta pergunta, a análise foi dividida em dois artigos científicos. Primeiramente, é apresentada uma revisão bibliográfica sobre o tema da desindustrialização, para entender a evolução do conceito e a maneira como ele é trabalhado pelos principais autores nacionais e estrangeiros. O artigo busca incluir a política comercial, enquanto instrumento macroeconômico, nesta análise, ressaltando o seu papel nos resultados comerciais. Já o segundo artigo traz dados empíricos, a partir do levantamento das resoluções da CAMEX no período 2003-2013, com o objetivo de mapear o protecionismo da política comercial brasileira e entender se tais medidas servem ao propósito de exercer uma força contrária ao processo de desindustrialização. / The overall objective of this research is to analyze Brazilian performance in international trade from 2003 to 2013. During this period, Brazil has made use of protectionist measures in order to raise the competitiveness of its goods. It is more evident from 2011, with the launch of the \"Greater Brazil Plan\", within which the trade defense measures became part of the governmental guidelines, along with import tariff rate increases and perforations of Mercosul\'s Common External Tariff. In addition, there are other programs, within both trade and industrial policies, which present strong nationalist content. On the other hand, the low performance of the industrial sector shows that, despite the use of protectionist measures, the domestic industry could not be stablished, as a dynamic sector of the economy. In this context, is it possible to state that trade policies, which aim to fight de-industrialization are paradoxical with multilateral trade rules? To answer to this question, firstly, we present a review of the literature on the topic of de-industrialization, focusing on the definition of the concept, as well as how the main authors have used it. The article aims to include trade policy in the analysis, by highlighting its role in trade results, while a macroeconomic instrument. The second article provides empirical data from the survey of CAMEX resolutions during the years of 2003 to 2013, in order to map the protectionism content of Brazilian trade policy and to understand whether such measures serve to the purpose of exerting a counterforce to de deindustrialization process.

The Diploma thesis focuses on foreign trade policy of Chile. The first part is a brief summary of socio-economic characteristics of the country. The following section deals with the individual strategies in the approach to foreign trade policy applied in Chile since independence to the present. It exams the determinants of changes in foreign trade policy of Chile and monitors changes in territorial and commodity structure of the foreign trade of Chile. In the final section assesses the current situation of the Chilean economy through a SWOT analysis.

The main goal of this thesis is to describe and analyze activities of the World trade organization. The thesis is divided into four chapters, which are related to the WTO. The first chapter decribes the multilateral trading system. The second chapter focuses on the trade policy and its tools. The third chapter summarises activities of the GATT and WTO from its foundation to the present. The last chapter is devoted to the European Union in the WTO.

The Aim of this master thesis named Consequences of WTO accession on China's trade policy is to provide a complex insight into the circumstances of accession of People's Republic of China to World Trade Organization (WTO), to map China's commitments and the real changes which were made. Subsequent prediction of future development of China's foreign trade policy and China itself was based on the analysis mentioned above.

This licentiate thesis examines the development of Swedish–Lebanese trade relations and the changes of significance for Swedish trade towards Lebanon during the period 1920-1965. The aim of the study is to explore how Sweden as representing a small, open Western economy could develop its economic interests in the emerging Middle East market characterised both by promising economic outlooks, and a high degree of political instability during the age of decolonisation, Cold War logic, and intricate commercial and geo-political factors. The study shows that the Swedish trade with Lebanon was very small during the Interwar period. It was neither possible to find any formal Swedish-Lebanese trade agreements before 1945. In the Post-War period, the promotion of Swedish trade and trade policies towards Lebanon witnessed more interests from the both parties. Two categories of explanations were found for the periods of 1946-53 and 1954-65 respectively. In the first period the Swedish-Lebanese trade developed in a traditional direction with manufactured goods being exported from Sweden and agricultural products being exported from Lebanon. Furthermore, there were no trade agreements between the two countries. In the second period, several Lebanese attempts were made to conclude bilateral trade agreement with Sweden in hope to change the traditional trade direction, and to improve the Lebanese balance of trade. Sweden was, however, convinced that Lebanon could never achieve a balanced foreign trade at least not on a bilateral basis. To maintain a fair access to the Lebanese market, the Swedish authorities avoided to conclude any trade agreement with Lebanon. Despite the Lebanese concern on the big trade deficit between the two countries, Sweden managed in increasing the trade volumes to the region of Middle East through the transit link of Lebanon.