<p>Departing from the case of textile and clothing trade dispute between the EU and China in 2005, it has been noticed that the EU’s policy in textile trade to a large extent has been situated in a position of dilemma. On the one hand, the growing global impetus of liberalization in the sector forces the EU to open up its market to cheap textile imports from the developing countries; on the other hand, the fierce protectionist pressures come from the domestic producers and slow down the paces towards liberalization, or sometimes even take setback towards more conservative performances. By placing this case in a broader context, the EU’s external trade policy is confronted with the similar dilemma, swaying between the trade liberalization and trade protection. Consequently, does the EU emerge in the current multilateral trading system of the WTO as a force for trade liberalization or a force for trade protectionism?</p><p>Bearing this question in mind, the general climate of global trade under the GATT/WTO and the EU’s external trade policy will firstly be examined. Then, the EU’s trade protectionism is about to be explained by strategic trade theory, the high political content of the EU’s external trade policy and the fragmentation in the EU’s policy networks; while the EU’s inclination towards trade liberalization will be explained by the implications from the conventional trade theory and new institutionalism, and as well as the impacts from the general climate of global trade.</p><p>The results shows that the EU’s external trade policy under the global trade liberalization is a mixture, neither pure liberalization nor pure protectionism. With regard to the trade issues concerning to the vital interests, the Union without exception inclines to conservative protectionism; whereas concerning the issues of less importance, compromises and concessions always lead the outcomes of the policy to the inspiring liberalization.</p>

<p>Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka om det föreligger ett positivt samband mellan frihandel och ekonomisk tillväxt, dels i afrikanska länder, dels i länder tagna från hela världen. Vad jag genom min uppsats främst vill söka svar på är om en ökad grad av frihandel i Afrika bidrar till en högre ekonomisk tillväxt. Genom att även inkludera andra länder i min undersökning, försöker jag dessutom ta reda på om sambandet mellan frihandel och tillväxt ser annorlunda ut ur ett globalt perspektiv.</p><p>Som metod använder jag mig i uppsatsen av en regressionsanalys. Som mått på frihandel använder jag mig av ett index utvecklat av den amerikanska organisationen Fraser Institute, kallat Freedom to Trade Index.</p><p>Mina regressionsresultat visar på att Freedom to Trade Index ej har något statistiskt signifikant samband med den ekonomiska tillväxttakten i de afrikanska länder jag undersöker. I min ”världsundersökning” visar sig däremot indexet ha ett positivt samband med den ekonomiska tillväxttakten. Ur ett globalt perspektiv verkar således frihandel vara en faktor som påverkar den ekonomiska tillväxten positivt, däremot finns det inga tecken på att frihandel har samma effekt i afrikanska länder. Det verkar således finnas regionala faktorer inom den afrikanska kontinenten som gör att frihandel här inte påverkar den ekonomiska tillväxten.</p>

Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka om det föreligger ett positivt samband mellan frihandel och ekonomisk tillväxt, dels i afrikanska länder, dels i länder tagna från hela världen. Vad jag genom min uppsats främst vill söka svar på är om en ökad grad av frihandel i Afrika bidrar till en högre ekonomisk tillväxt. Genom att även inkludera andra länder i min undersökning, försöker jag dessutom ta reda på om sambandet mellan frihandel och tillväxt ser annorlunda ut ur ett globalt perspektiv. Som metod använder jag mig i uppsatsen av en regressionsanalys. Som mått på frihandel använder jag mig av ett index utvecklat av den amerikanska organisationen Fraser Institute, kallat Freedom to Trade Index. Mina regressionsresultat visar på att Freedom to Trade Index ej har något statistiskt signifikant samband med den ekonomiska tillväxttakten i de afrikanska länder jag undersöker. I min ”världsundersökning” visar sig däremot indexet ha ett positivt samband med den ekonomiska tillväxttakten. Ur ett globalt perspektiv verkar således frihandel vara en faktor som påverkar den ekonomiska tillväxten positivt, däremot finns det inga tecken på att frihandel har samma effekt i afrikanska länder. Det verkar således finnas regionala faktorer inom den afrikanska kontinenten som gör att frihandel här inte påverkar den ekonomiska tillväxten.

The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the regulatory power, efficiency and impact of export control on Swedish arms export from the 1980s onwards, linked to the delegation of authority of permit license to the Inspectorate of Strategic Products in 1997. An increase in the administrative sector, based on a collective decision making process and established criteria and guidelines, aimed to strengthen the control of arms export to non-democratic and problematic states. In short, the aim of the study is to investigate and analyze whether there was a decrease in the arms export to problematic states or not. On one hand, it is reasonable to assume that the introduction of the new regulation entailed a more strict arms export policy. However, previous research has showed that regulations are sometimes not effective since incentives to breach these may be present. The study begins by examining the Swedish case and situation in terms of arms manufacturing and export, as well as the delegation of authority and legislation applied to the field over time. The general conclusion is that the legislature regulations and guidelines are vague in their design, as well as outdated, accompanied by the fact that new concepts, terms and classifications are introduced. The statistics are then approached by way of the analysis of the volume and composition of the trade and of the number and shares of problematic export in relation, based on the classifications of recipients regarding political freedoms and democratic rights. Finally, a correlation analysis is conducted and shares of problematic export is compared with the total arms export over time in order to interpret development. The results indicate that the delegation of authority regarding permit licensing to the Inspectorate of Strategic Products has not led to a decrease in the numbers of disputed shares. What is more, the study demonstrates that the delegation has led to a decrease in the responsibility concerning the arms export authority that can be correlated to the continuous high levels of disputed export, which might be approved. The existence of generic guidelines that are open to interpretation combined with an outdated set of legislature, plays a large role in this.

Užsienio prekyba – seniausi tarptautiniai santykiai, todėl be jos analizės neįmanoma padaryti pilnaverčių išvadų apie šalies ekonomikos būklę. Šalies užsienio prekybos politika reguliuoja ekonominius santykius su kitomis šalimis, todėl kiekviena valstybė ją vykdo savaip. Šio darbo tema - „JAV nacionalinė eksporto strategija ir jo kontrolės sistema“. Pasirinkta tema yra aktuali. JAV ekonominė ateitis labai priklauso nuo jos gebėjimų konkuruoti pasaulinėje ekonomikoje. Nacionalinė eksporto strategija atspindi tą faktą, jog eksportas yra JAV ekonominės sveikatos ir pragyvenimo lygio pagrindas. Kadangi su eksportu susiję darbai yra geriau apmokami, o eksportuojančios įmonės dažniau veikia sėkmingai, yra aišku, kad kuo stipriau JAV kreips savo ekonomiką į eksportavimo sritis, tuo labiau prisidės prie visuomenės stabilumo bei aukštesnio visų JAV gyventojų pragyvenimo lygio. Darbo tikslas - išnagrinėti eksporto, kaip užsienio prekybos dalies, skatinimo bei tobulinimo svarbą šalies ekonomikai ir išanalizuoti JAV nacionalinės eksporto strategijos sukūrimo prielaidas ir pasiekimus, bei įvertinti JAV eksportą pasaulinės ekonomikos kontekste. Siekiant numatyto tikslo darbe iškelti šie uždaviniai: apibūdinti eksporto skatinimo priemones ir strategiją; išnagrinėti JAV nacionalinės eksporto strategijos prioritetus ir pasiekimus per 1994 – 2006 metus; apžvelgti JAV eksporto kontrolės sistemą, siekiant įvertinti eksportą lemiančius veiksnius bei jį skatinančias priemones; apibūdinti JAV... [to full text] / Foreign trade is the oldest kind of international relationships, so it is impossible to make solid conclusions about the state of country‘s economics without analyzing it‘s foreign trade. Country‘s foreign trade policy regulates economic relations with other countries, this is why each nation differently administers and implements this policy. The subject chosen is relevant. U.S. economic future heavily depends on it‘s ability to compete in the global economic environment. National Export Strategy reflects the fact that export is the backbone of U.S. economical health and standard of living. The export related jobs have higher salaries and the exporting companies more often are successful so it is clear that the more U.S. will orient it‘s economics into the fields of export, the more the contribution to the stability of community and the higher standard of living for the U.S. population will be. Objectives – to study the relevance of export promotion and improvement to the national economics and to analyze the background and the achievements of the U.S. National Export Strategy; and to evaluate U.S. export in the context of global economy. The tasks raised in order to achieve the objectives: to describe export promotion measures and strategy; to analyze the priorities and achievements of the U.S. National Export Strategy during the period between 1994 and 2006; to review the U.S. export control system in order to evaluate the export determining factors and the export... [to full text]

Thesis (Ph.D.) - Carleton University, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 421-463). Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

abstract: The current study combines field study, survey study, and public financial reports, and conducts an in-depths comprehensive study of the cost of the global tire industry. By comparing the price and the total cost structure of standardized tire products, we investigate Chinese tire industry’s global competitiveness, especially in light of China’s fast increasing labor cost. By constructing a comprehensive cost index (CCI), this dissertation estimates the evolution and forecasts the trend of global tire industry’s cost structure. Based on our empirical analysis, we provide various recommendations for Chinese tire manufacturers, other manufacturing industries, and foreign trade policy makers. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Business Administration 2015

The aims of this study are to analyze the situation of the business field in foreign markets, valorize the state support to the firms during entering the foreign markets, comparison of the business possibilities in the Czech Republic with the advanced countries and definition of the crucial areas for the more effective realization of the commercialize and economic policy of the state. The work is separated into six parts. In the first part, there is a short summary of literature, the second part is connected with methods. The third part analyzes the fact, if the manufacturing corporations in the Ceske Budejovice region feel to be competitive in foreign markets, if they have problems during entering the foreign markets, if they use state support of export and if they feel that the state obtain a brief of them well. This study was executed on the basis of survey sampling, which was done by e-mail questioning. The obtain data were analyzed and diagrammatized. The fourth chapter charts the support of export, which are offered to the exporters by the Czech Republic. The fifth part analyzes the support of abroad export and limits the positives and negatives of the Czech firms. The last chapter analyzes the commercialize and economic policy of the Czech Republic and defines its key areas.

Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T14:56:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mendonca_FilipeAlmeidadoPrado_D.pdf: 4193653 bytes, checksum: 3ee9e71741c7f56116e54ac74910a43c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar o processo de institucionalização da política comercial dos Estados Unidos em perspectiva histórica e seus impactos para a constituição do regime GATT/OMC. A hipótese central procura demonstrar que variações da leitura estadunidense sobre reciprocidade comercial têm impactos no desenvolvimento do sistema GATT/OMC. Para captar estas oscilações, parte-se dos estudos sobre o Reciprocal Trade Agreement Act de 1934, passando pelos processos de institucionalização do livre-comércio nas rodadas do GATT, da materialização do unilateralismo agressivo na década de 1980, das estratégias multitrack do início da década de 1990, da ratificação do Tratado de Marrakesh até a participação norte-americana no Órgão de Solução de Controvérsias da OMC. Tal movimento nos ajuda a compreender as causas das mudanças institucionais dos regimes internacionais, o grau de atuação dos Estados Unidos nestas mudanças e seus impactos para a ordem econômica internacional em perspectiva histórica. Deste modo, afirma-se que os avanços e os retrocessos que marcaram o desenvolvimento institucional do sistema GATT/OMC, suas limitações, enviesamentos estruturais e as consequências para seus parceiros comerciais estão intensamente vinculados à estratégia de comércio dos Estados Unidos e à natureza de sua participação em fóruns multilaterais de comércio / Abstract: The objective of this research is to analyze the institutionalization process of U.S. trade policy in historical perspective and its impacts on the constitution of the GATT / WTO regime. The central hypothesis argues that variations in US reading on trade reciprocity have impacts on the development of the multilateral trade regime. To capture these oscillations, the research begins with the Reciprocal Trade Agreement Act of 1934, capturing the process of institutionalization of free trade in the GATT rounds, the materialization of aggressive unilateralism in the 1980's, the multi-track strategies of the early 1990's, the US ratification of the Marrakesh treaty and the US participation in the WTO dispute settlement body. This movement helps us understand the causes of the institutional changes of international regimes, the degree of US activity in these changes and their impacts on the international economic order in historical perspective. Thus, it is argued that the advances and setbacks that marked the institutional development of the multilateral trade regime, its limitations, biases and structural consequences for the undeveloped countries are strongly linked to the strategy of U.S. trade and the nature of its participation in multilateral trade / Doutorado / Ciencia Politica / Doutor em Ciência Política

This dissertation consists of three independent essays which contribute to the literatures on International Trade and Political Economy. The first essay addresses questions related to the political economy of antidumping (AD). With the remarkable falling in tariff barriers that has characterized the post-World War II period, AD has become the most used non-tariff barrier (NTB).1 Studying the use of AD is thus of great importance, also because the restrictive effects of AD measures on trade can be sizable (see for instance Ruhl, 2014). Moreover, there is an increasing concern that AD has turned to be an industrial policy tool rather than a mean that governments can use to restore the “level-playing field” (Vandenbussche and Zanardi, 2008). This worry is in line with the findings presented in the first chapter of this dissertation, Bureaucrats or Politicians? Political Parties and Antidumping in the US, which shows that the adoption of ADmeasures in the US is heavily shaped by political parties’ interests. I focus on the voting behavior of the International Trade Commission (ITC), a US quasijudicial agency composed by six non-elected commissioners who are supposed to conduct (an important part of the) AD investigations in a fair and objective manner. Using a newly collected dataset containing all ITC commissioners’ votes on AD over the period 1980-2010, I show that political parties can affect the ITC voting behavior in two ways: by selecting ITC commissioners who have a similar stance on trade policy as their own (selection effect) and by influencing them while they are in office (pressure effect). While other studies have emphasised that Congress can put pressure on the ITC, the novelty of this work is to show that this pressure is party-specific. First, I show that Democratic-appointed commissioners are systematically more protectionist than Republican-appointed ones. This effect is sizable (the probability of voting in favor of AD is at least 8 percentage points higher for Democratic-appointed commissioners) and suggests that political parties can play an important role by influencing the choice of ITC commissioners who have a similar preferences on trade. This result is insensitive to several changes in the econometric specifications and to the use of different methodologies. Moreover, commissioners’ votes on AD depend on the trade policy interests of key senators (i.e. Trade subcommittee members) in the party they are associated to.2 In particular, whether (Democratic) Republican-appointed commissioners vote in favor of AD depends crucially on whether the petitioning industry is key (in terms of employment) in the states represented by leading (Democratic) Republican senators at the time. This result is robust to several checks also holds when controlling for any unobserved time-invariant characteristic of ITC commissioners (e.g. the state of origin) that could influence their votes on AD and be correlated with the pressure variables, i.e. when commissioner fixed effects are included in the specifications. In addition, the pressure effect can actually overcome the selection effect, making a Republican-appointed commissioner more protectionist than the average Democratic-appointed one. The second essay, Internationalization and Innovation of Firms: Evidence and Policy, analyzes the link between internationalization and innovation at the firm level.3 The evidence presented Chapter 2 shows that the degrees of involvement in internationalization and innovation activities are inextricably linked. However, the European policy context seems at odds with this evidence: trade-promotion and innovation-enhancing policies are largely unrelated and often carried out through various agencies (see EIM, 2010).4 Thus, understanding the interaction between internationalization and innovation can be crucial for policy makers, especially in a world which is increasingly characterized by global value chains.5 The interplay between internationalization and innovation is investigated in a unique, representative and cross-country comparable sample of manufacturing firms with at least ten employees (EFIGE), across seven European countries (Austria, France, Germany, Hungary, Italy, Spain, UK) for the year 2008. We find that firms in the sample at hand are quite active in both innovation and internationalization: 87% of firms devote resources to R&D projects, IT solutions, or patent/design/ trademark registrations, while 77% of our firms are active in international trade, cross-border outsourcing relations, or FDI. For modes of internationalization, there is a clear ranking of associated firm performance: FDI makers show the highest productivity, followed by outsourcers and traders. Innovation differences across modes are less clear cut. Moreover, defining internationalization (innovation) intensity as the number of internationalization (innovation) modes in which firms are involved, we show that firms with high innovation intensity tend also to show high internationalization intensity. Instrumenting innovation intensity by the share of firms that have benefitted from R&D financial incentives in a given (NACE 2 digits) industry-country pair and by the share of investment in R&D over the value added in the same industry-country pair, for the years 2002-2006, we are not able to find conclusive evidence of a causal effect of innovation on internationalization. Finally, a positive association between innovation and internationalization intensities appears at both firm level and country-industry (milieu) level, and at country level when average intensity is calculated disregarding the relative numbers of firms in the different industries. If country average intensities are computed weighting by firm numbers in the various industries, the correlation between innovation and internationalization intensities across countries appears weaker, suggesting that innovation matters more than internationalization for driving differences across countries. Based on the evidence we collected, we suggest a higher coordination/integration of internationalization and innovation policies at both the national and EU levels, and propose a bigger coordinating role for EU institutions, in order to reduce the current paradox of generally uncorrelated policies aimed at mostly correlated outcomes. The third essay, Cooperation Among Criminal Organizations: Evidence from Organized Crime in Italy, uncovers new facts about the behavior criminal organizations on the Italian territory. Since Becker (1968) the economic analysis of crime has especially focused on the behavior of individual offenders. Much less attention has been devoted to the activities of criminal organizations, especially from an empirical point of view. Nevertheless, organized crime is a prominent and alarming presence in the world economy: it destroys physical and human capital and deteriorates the business environment, ultimately lowering the growth potential of an economy (Acconcia et al. 2014; Pinotti, 2015). The third chapter of this dissertation contributes to the literature on economics of organized crime by shedding light on the interaction between domestic and foreign organizations in Italy, showing that the probability of cooperation among them depends both on the type of crime committed and on the presence of traditional (incumbent) organizations in some regions of the country. More specifically, cooperation between domestic and foreign criminal organizations is studied using a novel dataset containing information on their activities in the Italian territory during 2007-2010. Italian territory during 2007-2010. We first show that cooperation among Italians and foreigners is skewed towards specific crimes (e.g. counterfeiting activities). We then show that the presence of traditional (incumbent) organizations in some regions reduces the probability of cooperating. Interestingly, in these areas the same probability is higher when cooperation takes place for criminal activities in which foreign organizations can play an important role in providing inputs. / Doctorat en Sciences économiques et de gestion / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished