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<p>This thesis develops a computable, non-linear programming, general equilibrium model of the Canadian textile sector for the purpose of addressing certain trade policy issues.</p> <p>One of the unique features of the model is the specification of the objective function a CES nested in a Cobb-Douglas function. This objective function incorporates the assumption of diminishing marginal utility', an assumption which is almost universally accepted in microeconomic theory but which is conspicuously missing in linear programming models. This objective function also allows for imperfect substitutability between domestically produced textiles and imported textiles.</p> <p>The textile sector is significantly disaggregated to allow for the interconnections among the various textile industries in the sector. In addition, unlike partial equilibrium models which do not consider what happens to other industries outside the sector under study, this model is able to shed same light on the behaviour of these industries.</p> <p>The model is solved by an optimization package called MINOS (a modular in-core nonlinear optimization system) and then used to predict the 1979 variables to set a benchmark for the model. The model predicts most variables reasonably well.</p> <p>The results of the experiments confirm Bhagwati's concept of equivalence as applied to general equilibrium models. The results also show that if protection in textiles is removed, imports will pour in, leading to declines in output and employment in the textile industries. The finding that there is considerable anti-protection in the textile sector agrees with the view expressed by other writers. The results also show that, in general, a textile industry at a later stage of processing tends to expand if it is the only one protected and an industry at an early stage of processing tends to contact if it is the only one protected.</p> <p>Given any quota, its tariff equivalent can be computed using the model. With reference to tariffs and subsidies, the results show that one cannot say categorically that one means of protection is generally preferable to the other, a finding which is consistent with the trade distortions literature.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

For the European Union (EU), the field of trade policy is a main field in which the EU can assert its actorness and build its identity as an international actor. This "superpower" potential arises out of the EU's extensive resource equipment in trade policy and is driven forward by the EU's significant economic interests. To what extent, however, the EU has been able to use its resources to shape the rules of the international trade regime according to its own preferences has remained questionable. This thesis investigates the question of the EU's impact on and power utilisation in the international trade regime by analysing the EU's changing involvement in World Trade Organisation (WTO) negotiations. Drawing from the theoretical concepts of the "international regime" and "power", the thesis proposes an approach centred on the possession, mobilisation and impact of actors' power in international regimes. In particular, the thesis proposes a framework centred on five key elements: specification of the regime, its qualities and focus; the resources or 'underlying power' that actors bring to the regime; the resources derived by actors from the operation of the regime itself, or 'organisationally dependent capabilities'; the manifestation or deployment of resources and strategies by actors in negotiations; and outcomes defined in terms of actors' power over the regime itself. After an examination of the broad context of the WTO's development and the EU's involvement in the international trade regime, this framework is then explored through a detailed study of the EU's involvement in the negotiations over trade in services that took place in the WTO between 1995 and 2005, using evidence from a wide range of documentary sources and from interviews. On the basis of this exploration of trade in services, the thesis finds that despite the EU's outstanding resources, the WTO negotiations have become too complex for the EU to decisively influence them due to a power shift in the international trade regime. The special nature of the trade in services negotiations makes these particularly unmanageable and they do not seem to present the EU with a setting for achieving its preferences. A lack of cooperation among the WTO members in favour of the negotiations has made progress in the negotiations very hard to realise for the EU. At the same time, the erosion of the EU's resources by the shifting attitude in civil society towards trade policy, and an apparent Jack of business support, has increased the challenge for the EU of managing the international trade regime. Questions are therefore raised about the extent to which the EU has responded to change, mobilised its resources effectively and had a consistent impact on the international trade regime since the mid-1990s.

This dissertation examines the tension inherent in the relationship between the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) as Member States Parties of the GATT/WTO and the GATT/WTO regime. It focuses specifically on the tension triggered off by the requirements of Article I – the Most-Favoured-Nation principle (MFN) and Article III – the National Treatment principle (NT) GATT 1994. It shows that while the non-discrimination principles are meant to promote trade liberalisation and economic growth, they produce the opposite effect in developing and least developed countries like ECOWAS and aggravate the tension between those countries and the WTO. It argues that the MFN is used to deny market access to the developing countries by exposing them to stiff but unequal competitive conditions and the NT to deny national governments the policy space to protect and promote national industries, employment and economic growth. It challenges the general assumption that the MFN and the NT are good and in the interest of all the WTO Members and rather identifies them as lynch-pins of economic development in the ECOWAS region. It also shows, contrary to the assumption of non-participation, how the ECOWAS High Contracting Parties are adapting their trading systems and harmonising their laws to the key provisions of Articles I and III of the GATT. It shows that the principles of non-discrimination are the outcome of the standard-setting procedures legally formulated as the SPS and TBT Agreements which favour the developed countries and how the Dispute Settlement Body has rejected the ‘aims-and-effect’ approach, taken a literal approach, overly emphasising trade liberalisation to the neglect of market access and economic development. This dissertation concludes that it is pre-mature for ECOWAS to assume Articles I and III obligations and recommends using the provisions of Article XXIV to build up effective influence through regional organisations and incrementally uniting to transform the GATT.

This thesis analyzes the export policy of the Czech Republic. The aim is to propose recommendations for future direction of the Czech export policy. A comparison with the export policy of Austria is used for these recommendations. The work firstly describes foreign trade and export policy of the Czech Republic and Austria, including the main concepts and institutions. In conclusion, the export policies of both countries are compared, both in terms of their concepts, as well as institutional arrangements and instruments used to implement the state export promotion.

O objetivo central da dissertação é o de estudar a atuação e a mobilização dos interesses organizados nacionais no cenário internacional, um tema ainda incipiente de estudos na ciência política brasileira. Para tanto, analisaremos o processo de internacionalização conduzido pela maior associação representativa do setor sucroalcooleiro: a União da Indústria da Cana de Açúcar (UNICA). Desde 2006, a UNICA vem empreendendo um importante processo de atuação no exterior com a abertura de escritórios especializados em Washington (2007) e Bruxelas (2008), além da celebração de um convênio com a agência governamental Apex-Brasil (também em 2008). Nesse sentido, acreditamos que estas iniciativas estão ligadas a uma presença crescente da agroindústria canavieira do Brasil no mundo, a qual tem demandado cada vez mais ações de representação e defesa de interesses no plano internacional. Neste estudo adotaremos uma perspectiva teórica ancorada na literatura acerca da análise dos grupos de interesse, principalmente em suas abordagens de foreign lobbying, que compreendem os mecanismos de penetração nos mercados-alvo e de atuação desses grupos nas instituições políticas destes respectivos estados, encarregadas da regulação desta atividade. Ademais, faremos uso, de maneira subsidiária, da literatura que discute os fundamentos e desdobramentos atuais do mercado de etanol de cana no Brasil e no mundo. Esta análise possibilitará um mapeamento das atividades da organização, permitindo a aferição de um conhecimento mais acurado para nossa pesquisa acerca de tal objeto. Para tanto, o trabalho será conduzido essencialmente por meio do exame de marcos regulatórios do setor no Brasil e nos principais mercados de etanol, notícias, artigos acadêmicos e não-acadêmicos, documentos internos da UNICA acerca do processo e declarações dos principais atores do processo. / The objective of the thesis is to study the performance and mobilization of national organized interests on the international arena, a still incipient theme in Brazilian political science studies. Thus, we will analyze the internalization process conducted by the largest representative association of the sugarcane sector: UNICA Union of Sugarcane Industry. Since 2006, UNICA has been undertaking a great process of performance abroad with the opening of specialized offices in Washington (2007) and Brussels (2008) in addition to the signature of an agreement with Apex-Brasil (also in 2008). We therefore believe that these initiatives are linked to an increased presence of agribusiness Brazils sugarcane in the world, which has increasingly demanded representation and advocacy actions toward the international level. In this study, we will adopt a theoretical perspective grounded in the literature about interest groups analysis, specifically in foreign lobbying approach which seeks to understand the mechanisms of penetration in target markets and the performance of those groups in these states political institutions, engaged on this activities regulation. Furthermore, we will utilize, on a subsidiary way, the literature that discusses the sugarcane ethanol fundaments and current market developments in Brazil and all over the world. This analysis will allow mapping the organization activities in the last years, leading us to a more accurate knowledge about our object research. For this intent, the work will be conducted primarily by through the examination of: i) regulatory frameworks governing the sugarcane sector in Brazil and in the main markets, ii) news, iii) academic articles and books, iv) non-academic literature, v) UNICA documents and organization officers declarations.

A política comercial brasileira e o arcabouço institucional em que é coordenada e formulada passaram por importantes transformações a partir da abertura econômica em 1990. Suas estruturas administrativas foram completamente remodeladas. Estas mudanças incentivaram a politização e pluralização da política comercial de forma que a sua tomada de decisão e implementação passaram a ocorrer em um novo contexto, marcado por novos condicionantes e demandas num ambiente de comércio exterior muito mais complexo e competitivo. A complexificação da agenda comercial mobilizou novos atores burocráticos que não haviam participado da política comercial desenvolvimentista, tornando evidente o aumento do seu grau de politização. Posto isto, analisamos o processo de construção das instituições que regem a política de comércio exterior pós-abertura econômica, tendo como foco analítico as relações entre a mudança institucional e a dinâmica político-burocrática interna do Poder Executivo. Analisamos aqui o conflito interno ao Poder Executivo entre as diferentes agências e órgãos burocráticos que tinham ou tenham competências e interesses envolvidos neste campo mais complexo no qual a política comercial atual foi e é disputada e produzida e como foi a ação da Presidência da República em termos de seu grau de envolvimento efetivo em cada uma dessas alterações. Optamos por analisar as instituições que compõem o quadro de coordenação desta política. O primeiro corte de estudo foi o processo de extinção da Carteira de Comércio Exterior do Banco do Brasil (Cacex), principal símbolo e a síntese da institucionalidade do modelo desenvolvimentista de industrialização por substituição de importações sobre o comércio exterior. O segundo estudo analisa a formação, reformas e consolidação da institucionalidade do modelo da Câmara de Comércio Exterior (Camex) adotado no início do governo Cardoso e, após algumas transformações, consolidado no governo Lula. A pesquisa foi dividida em duas etapas distintas, mas com interconexões mútuas. A primeira etapa consistiu na proposição de um quadro teórico que permitisse a derivação das hipóteses utilizadas na pesquisa empírica a partir de uma avaliação crítica do que já foi produzido sobre a influência e as implicações da participação da burocracia no jogo político. Na segunda parte 7 foi realizada a pesquisa empírica na qual se avaliou o impacto da política burocrática na construção das instituições da política comercial brasileira. Para a execução empírica da pesquisa foi feito um levantamento dos dispositivos legais que alteraram o aparato institucional, das preferências reveladas dos atores e percepções de atores e pesquisadores que participaram dos processos decisórios e, finalmente, de outros instrumentos analíticos mais objetivos e menos sensíveis a questões subjetivas. Por fim, a partir do exame dos dados obtidos, ponderou-se ao final da pesquisa que o conflito interno no Poder Executivo foi uma variável importante, embora não tenha sido a única determinante do processo de construção institucional da política comercial brasileira pósabertura econômica, e que o quadro analítico forneceu conceitos fundamentais para a análise e explicação das interações entre a política burocrática e esta construção institucional. / The Brazilian trade policy and its institutional framework have undergone major changes since the economic opening in 1990. Its administrative structures have been completely rebuilt. These changes have encouraged the politicization and pluralization of the trade policy so that decision making and policy implementation have begun to occur in a new context, characterized by new constraints and demands in a foreign trade environment more complex and competitive. The complexity of the new trade agenda has mobilized bureaucratic actors who had not participated of the developmentist trade policy, demonstrating the increase in its degree of politicization. We analyze the building process of the institutions that conduct the post-economic trade policy liberalization, focusing on the analytical relationships between institutional change and the bureaucratic politics dynamics inside the executive branch. Here we analyze the internal conflict in the executive branch among the different agencies that have competences and interests involved as well as how was taken the Presidential action in terms of its actual degree of involvement in each of these changes. We choose to study the institutions that compose the coordination framework of the Brazilian trade policy. In the first cut, we study the process of extinction of the Carteira de Comércio Exterior do Banco do Brasil (Cacex), the main symbol and synthesis of the developmentist institutional model of industrialization through import substitution in the foreign trade. In a second step, we study the process of formation, reforms and consolidation of the Camex model, adopted in the beginning of Cardoso\'s government and, after some transformations, consolidated under Lula\'s government. The research strategy was divided in two distinctive stages, but with mutual interconnections. The first one consisted of the proposition of a theoretical framework that would allow the derivation of the hypothesis used in the empirical research from a critical assessment of what had been produced about the influences and implications of the bureaucratic participation in the political process. In the second one, it was conducted an empirical research in which it was assessed the impact of the bureaucratic politics in the trade policy institutional building. In order to implement the empirical research, the legal devices that changed the institutional 9 apparatus has been surveyed as well as the revealed preferences of actors and perceptions of actors and researchers who have had a participation in decision making processes and, ultimately, other objective analytical tools less sensitive to subjective issues. Finally, from the obtained data, it was pondered that the internal conflict within the Executive Branch was an important variable, although not the sole determinant of the process of institutional building of the Brazilian trade policy after the economic opening, and that the analytical framework has provided fundamental concepts for the analysis and for the explanation of the interactions between politics and bureaucracies and this institution-building process.

A intensificação do comércio internacional e a liberalização comercial ocorrida nos últimos anos têm aumentado a importância relativa dos procedimentos de fronteira como determinante dos custos de comercialização associados ao comércio internacional. Uma parcela desses custos está associada a atrasos portuários, a ausência de transparência na aplicação de regras, a burocracia e a procedimentos aduaneiros desatualizados. Nesse contexto, a facilitação de comércio começou a receber destaque no cenário político internacional. Entendida como medidas que reduzem os custos de comercialização internacional, a facilitação de comércio tornou-se tópico de discussão na OMC a partir da conferência Ministerial de Cingapura de 1996. Estudos relacionados à facilitação de comércio, principalmente estudos que abrangem o Brasil e seus parceiros comerciais ainda são raros. O presente estudo tencionou contribuir nessa direção avaliando os efeitos da facilitação de comércio, definida em termos da transparência da política comercial, sobre o padrão de comércio bilateral de um conjunto de 43 países que inclui o Brasil e alguns de seus principais parceiros comerciais. Para isso, são descritas primeiramente as relações entre a facilitação de comércio, transparência da política comercial e os fluxos comerciais. A idéia central é que a reforma da política comercial que promova a transparência, através de maior previsibilidade e simplificação, pode contribuir para a redução dos custos de comercialização associados ao comércio internacional e ampliar os fluxos de comércio entre os países. A partir de indicadores de facilitação de comércio relacionados à transparência da política comercial são construídos, para cada país da amostra, três índices de transparência utilizando a técnica estatística multivariada da análise fatorial: dois índices de transparência nas importações e um índice de transparência nas exportações. A relação desses índices com o padrão de comércio bilateral entre os países é estimada utilizando um modelo gravitacional construído com dados de comércio bilateral dos 43 países desagregados em Capítulos do Sistema Harmonizado. O modelo gravitacional é estimado através do modelo de efeitos fixos e os resultados indicam que os índices de transparência nas importações e o índice de transparência nas exportações estão positivamente associados com o comércio bilateral e são estatisticamente significativos. Dessa maneira, a introdução de reformas nas áreas de facilitação de comércio, que levariam a um incremento relativo dos índices de transparência, pode resultar na ampliação do comércio entre os países. / The intensification of international trade and the trade liberalization that occurred in the last years have increased the relative importance of border procedures as a determinant of trade costs associated to international trade. These costs are partly associated to delay in port operations, lack of transparency in rule applications, bureaucracy and outdated customs procedures. In this context, trade facilitation became increasingly important in the international political scenario. Trade facilitation is interpreted as measures that reduce international trade costs and started to be discussed at the WTO from the Singapore ministerial conference of 1996. Studies on trade facilitation, particularly including Brazilian and trade partner issues, are still scarce, therefore the present study aims to contribute in this direction evaluating the effects of trade facilitation, defined as the transparency of trade policy. It is applied to the pattern of bilateral trade of a 43 - country set including Brazil and some of its major trade partners. For that purpose, the relations between trade facilitation, transparency of trade policy and trade flows are firstly described. The central idea is that the trade policy reform that promotes transparency through greater predictability and simplification can contribute to reduce trade costs associated with international trade and expand trade flows between countries. Based on trade facilitation indicators related to trade policy, three transparency indexes are constructed for each country of the sample, using multivariate statistics and factor analysis: two transparency indexes for imports and one transparency index for exports. The relation of these indexes with the bilateral trade pattern between countries is estimated using a gravity model constructed with bilateral trade data of the 43 countries disaggregated in chapters of the Harmonized System. The gravity model is estimated by a fixed effects model and the results indicate that the transparency indexes for imports and exports are positively associated with bilateral trade and are statistically significant. Therefore, reforms in trade facilitation areas that would lead to a relative increase of the transparency index can be an way to expand trade between the countries.