[pt] Esta dissertação analisa a participação brasileira no G-20, uma coalizão de países em desenvolvimento (PEDs) criada pelo Brasil e a Índia durante a reunião Ministerial da Organização Mundial de Comércio (OMC), em Cancún, no México, em 2003. A coalizão tinha o objetivo de avançar a agenda de liberalização agrícola na Rodada Doha. Na época, analistas de política comercial se mostraram céticos sobre as chances de sobrevivência da coalizão, devido ao fato de que esta reunia países com interesses comerciais divergentes em agricultura. A despeito disto, o G-20 se estabeleceu como membro sine qua non das negociações e modificou o processo decisório da OMC, com a inclusão do Brasil e da Índia ao núcleo duro das negociações ao lado dos Estados Unidos e da União Européia. Porém, semelhante aumento de influência não se traduziu em uma conclusão da Rodada Doha, o que seria de sumo interesse para o Brasil. Argumento que esta dificuldade está relacionada ao fato de o G-20 ser uma coalizão com baixa coerência interna, cujas características estruturais constrangem as possíveis estratégias negociadoras ao alcance da coalizão, dificultando assim a adoção de uma estratégia distributiva que aumente as chances de que a negociação seja concluída com sucesso. O Brasil desempenhou um papel importante nessa coalizão pagando os custos da ação coletiva para garantir a coesão desta, mesmo quando isto significou abrir mão dos seus interesses comerciais. Contudo, a análise mostra que esta atitude teve limites, como ficou aparente durante a reunião da OMC realizada em Genebra em julho de 2008, quando o Brasil decidiu defender os seus próprios interesses em detrimento da cooperação com os membros do G-20. / [en] This dissertation analyzes the Brazilian participation in the G-20, a coalition of developing countries created by Brazil and India during the World Trade Organization (WTO) Ministerial Conference held in Cancún, Mexico, in 2003. The goal of the coalition was advancing an agenda of agricultural liberalization in the Doha Round. At the time, trade policy experts were skeptical as to the chances of survival of the coalition, due to the fact that it brought together countries with divergent commercial interests in agriculture. In spite of this, the G-20 established itself as a sine qua non member of the negotiations and changed the decisionmaking process of the WTO, with the inclusion of Brazil and India in the core of the negotiations together with the United States and the European Union. However, this increase in influence has not translated into a conclusion of the Doha Round, of extreme interest for Brazil. We argue that this difficulty is related to the fact that the G-20 is a coalition with low internal coherence and that its structural characteristics constrain its negotiating strategies, making it difficult for the coalition to adopt a distributive strategy that increases the probability that the negotiation is concluded successfully. Brazil played an important role paying the collective action costs in order to maintain the cohesion of the coalition, even when this meant going against its own commercial interests. However, this attitude had its limits, as was made apparent during the WTO meeting in Geneva, in July 2008, when Brazil decided to defend its own interests in detriment of cooperating with the members of the G-20.

Magister Legum - LLM / The impact of trade policies on the pursuit of gender equality is often ignored. Recognising the link between trade and gender, this dissertation aims to enhance the capacity of policy-makers to mainstream gender in trade policy and to help identify ways for using trade to respond to women's needs in South Africa. In order to meet this objective, it analyses the impacts that trade liberalisation has had on the economy and on gender in general and in South Africa in particular. In addition, it evaluates the impacts on men and women in order to see if trade has contributed to reducing, accentuating or perpetuating gender inequality in South Africa. Findings have confirmed that Trade liberalisation has had both positive and negative impacts on women and men. But, they have also demonstrated that trade liberalisation has affected women and men differently having negative influences on the pursuit of gender equality. The research has, however, concluded that the impact of trade liberalisation on the pursuit of gender equality is influenced by other key factors. As strategy to mainstream gender in trade policies, the research suggests that policy-makers should analyse the implications for women and men of any trade policy before adopting such policy. This analysis would help him/her to see the possible imbalances of the new policy and implement policies and programmes to eradicate them. Also, it will help him/her to identify possible ways for using trade to empower women. The research is based on the idea that the elimination of the existing inequalities will put women at the same stage with men and will, therefore, contribute to women's empowerment in South Africa. / South Africa

The first chapter describes the structure of the Indian economy, the basic macroeconomic measures, the characteristics of the individual sectors and the comparative advantages and disadvantages. The second chapter analyses the development of the world trade, the development and the structure of the foreign trade of the EU and India and the bilateral trade between the EU and India. The third chapter describes the development of the foreign trade policies of the EU and India, the tariff and non-tariff obstacles of the foreign trade. The fourth chapter describes the areas of the economic and non-economic cooperation between the EU and India, trade in services and foreign investments.

The first chapter characterizes the common trade policy of the EU both from factual and institutional aspect. The second chapter describes the EU intra-trade, with focus on the European single market and implementation of Lisbon Strategy. The third chapter inquires into the EU extra-trade, with focus on the EU bilateral and multilateral trade relations, the WTO multilateral trade negotiations and some of the most famous trade disputes of the EU. The last chapter is dedicated to the changes of the Czech Republic trade policy which result from its integration in the common trade policy.

The diploma thesis analyses the development of foreign trade of the Czech Republic during last two decades in the context of participation in the European economic integration. The most important economic changes in the time of transformation are described in the first chapter. The following chapters analyse in detail the territorial and commodity structure of Czech foreign trade during 90's and especially after the year 2000. The last phase deals with changes in foreign trade policy of the country after the integration to EU and their impact on trade towards particular groups of states.

The topic of the thesis is concentrated on the export policies of the Czech Republic and its governmental institutions that have implemented these policies. The thesis deals with this issue since 1918 to the present, with the focus on the last 10 years. The aim of the thesis is to compare given policies and analyze policies' impacts on Czech export. The policies are scored by chosen indicators that evaluate the effects on whole Czech economy as well.

L'apparente résurgence du protectionnisme, suite à la crise de 2008, est paradoxale quand la théorie dominante plaide en faveur du libre échange. Il existe pourtant un tissu théorique large expliquant le protectionnisme. En son sein, une accumulation d’arguments mène à privilégier le cadre théorique de l’économie politique. L’objet de cette thèse est l’étude de l’influence des groupes d’intérêt sur les décisions de politique économique afférentes à l’ouverture commerciale.Pour mener cette analyse, (i) les modèles existants dans la littérature pour rendre compte de cette influence sont exposés et (ii) un modèle théorique complémentaire est proposé. Les bases théoriques de ce modèle sont ensuite mêlées aux apports de la littérature d'économie politique afin de mettre en œuvre (iii) un modèle d'équilibre général calculable (MEGC) appliqué à une économie fictive et (iv) un second appliqué à la Tunisie, dans l'objectif d'étudier l'influence du lobbying sur la manière dont s'ouvrent ces économies.Les principaux enseignements de cette thèse sont les suivants : (i) Il n’existerait pas de modèle intégrant les activités d'économie politique de manière satisfaisante au sein d’un MEGC. Un tel modèle montre que (ii) l’élasticité du coût politique aux subventions joue un rôle déterminant dans la limitation des distorsions créées par le lobbying. Il est révélé au moyen de MEGC que, dans un contexte de baisse des tarifs douaniers, (iii) le lobbying nuit à la progression de l'ouverture commerciale et qu'en Tunisie, (iv) une subvention sur les consommations intermédiaires obtenue par lobbying ne présente pas d'effets stables et significatifs sur l'évolution de l'ouverture commerciale. / The seeming resurgence of protectionism, following the 2008 economic crisis, is paradoxical when the dominant economic theory argues for free trade. There is, however, a broad body of research that explains protectionism. Amongst this research, multiple arguments lead to privilege the theoretical framework of political economy.The purpose of this thesis is to study the influence of interest groups on economic policy decisions that deal with trade opening.To carry out this analysis, this thesis (i) outlines existing models to account for this influence and (ii) proposes a complementary model for this purpose. The theoretical bases of this model are then combined with contributions from the political economy literature in order to (iii) implement a computable general equilibrium model (CGEM) applied to a hypothetical economy and (iv) a second model applied to Tunisia, with the objective of studying the influence of lobbying on how these economies are opening up.The main lessons of this thesis are as follows: (i) No model would integrate these activities in a satisfactory manner into a CGEM. Such a model shows that (ii) the elasticity of political cost to subsidies plays a decisive role in limiting the distortions created by lobbying activities. It is revealed, by means of CGEM applied to a hypothetical economy, in a context of decreases in tariffs, that (iii) lobbying is detrimental to the growth of trade opening and that, in Tunisia, (iv) a subsidy on intermediate consumption attained by lobbying does not display stable and significant effects on the evolution of trade opening.

The gravity equation is probably the most important tool in international economics to explain and estimate trade flows. However, since the gravity equation is important for political decisions, it is very important to achieve reliable results from its empirical application. Thus, it is necessary to employ the gravity equation using a theoretically and empirically proper methodology. One important discussion addresses the implausibly high measures for the impact of trade cost proxies on exports that frequently appear, especially in older works. This problem became known as the "border puzzle" (Obstfeld and Rogoff, 2001). The aim of the study is to contribute to the discussion about the suitability of the gravity equation's empirical applications. The basic idea is that trade costs between two countries could additionally depend on the exports between these two countries and not only on the (more or less) exogenous proxy variables for trade costs, as they are normally used. In this study, a new theory of endogenous trade costs is provided which shows that iceberg trade costs are likely to depend on exports. An interaction between exports and trade costs (or the gravity function and a trade cost function) leads to a simultaneity problem. Moreover, this theory can be confirmed after estimating the gravity equation with an alternative econometric strategy: A simultaneous equation system using a theory-based index to compensate for the directly immeasurable trade. A further target of the study is in its use of the comprehensive trade cost index to compute "multilateral resistances" of countries to trade, introduced in the trend-setting work by Anderson and van Wincoop (2003). These multilateral resistances are necessary to retrieve unbiased results from empirical gravity equations. A methodology was developed to make the heretofore unknown index of multilateral resistances visible. The result of the simultaneity approach and the use of constructed data for bilateral and multilateral trade costs is that the estimated direct effects of variables influencing exports decrease. The proposed methodologies of this study could help to achieve more plausible and reliable results from the gravity equation as the "workhorse for empirical studies" (Eichengreen and Irwin, 1998) of international trade.

Die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit ist von einigen Wirtschaftswissenschaftlern lediglich als ein Schlagwort betrachtet worden, weil es keinen Konsens darüber gibt, wie dieses Allerweltswort zu definieren ist. Jedoch wird es häufig von Politikern und Geschäftsleuten benutzt, um die Position von Ländern, Sektoren, Firmen und/oder Produkten im internationalen Handel zu beschreiben. Aus diesem Grund befürwortet eine weitere Gruppe von Wirtschaftswissenschaftlern eine Verwendung des Begriffs mit der Absicht, dadurch die Defizite der klassischen Außenhandelstheorie und der Theorie des Komparativen Vorteils aufzufangen. Diese Dissertation unterstützt diese zweite Gruppe, indem die Theorie der Wettbewerbsfähigkeit auf eine bestimmte Fallstudie angewendet wird: die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit des Bananenexports ausgewählter Hersteller- bzw. Exportländer in die Europäische Union.Die vorliegende Studie ist des weiteren ein Beitrag zur Debatte über die Auswirkungen der Handelspolitik auf den Agrarsektor, insbesondere in Entwicklungsländern. Sie besteht aus zwei Teilen und vier Kapiteln. Im ersten Teil (die ersten beiden Kapitel) wird der theoretische Rahmen für die Theorie der Wettbewerbsfähigkeit und die Handelspolitik dargestellt. Im zweiten Teil (das dritte und vierte Kapitel) wird eine empirische Studie über den Bananenhandel durchgeführt, wobei mit dem cluster-value chain Modell die Bedingungen der Wettbewerbsfähigkeit analysiert werden. Das weiteren werden anhand eines partial equilibrium Modells die Auswirkungen der Handelspolitik auf die Marktanteile von Hersteller- bzw. Exportländern analysiert. Die theoretische und empirische Analyse der Wettbewerbsfähigkeit stützten folgende Hypothese: Die Handelspolitik ist lediglich einer von zahlreichen Faktoren, die bei der Analyse der Wettbewerbsfähigkeit von Bananenexporten in Betracht gezogen werden müssen.

Despite the voluminous literature on North-South macroeconomic interactions and the key role of terms of trade variations in growth transmission from one region to another, a significant research gap persists for two reasons. First, there has been very little empirical work on testing of the relationships between growth patterns and terms of trade movements. Second, the empirical studies dedicated to testing the Prebisch-Singer Thesis (PST) focused on testing the long-run tendency for the terms of trade of primary commodities to deteriorate and neglected the joint nature of the predictions arising out of a complete formulation of PST. This dissertation seeks to properly specify the PST, provide a generalization of it to the case of imbalanced trade, and extend it to a three-region framework through a structuralist North-South model. Multiple paths of growth divergence/convergence and terms of trade deterioration/improvement emerge depending on the structural changes influencing the income-elasticity differentials. I carry out two sets of empirical analyses. First, I use aggregate data on North-South terms of trade indices to test the presence and significance of a downward trend. Second, I use panel data analysis and rolling regressions to show the evolution of income-elasticity differentials. The results suggest that the growth rates of developing countries during the 1980s declined in both absolute and relative terms partly as a result of the downward trend in terms of trade and partly as a result of income elasticity differentials reflecting the productive and technological asymmetries between the developed and developing economies. However, these structural asymmetries have not remained constant: the results show that they changed both over time and over cross-sections of different groups of countries. In general the countries that diversified towards manufactured exports had better chances of eliminating the elasticity differentials, and thus attaining relatively higher rates of growth. The cross-country study is complemented by a comparative case study of Turkey and Malaysia. The results show that industrial and trade policies, if carefully designed and effectively implemented, can counter potential costs of external market dynamics while taking advantage of the opportunities for advancing dynamic comparative advantages.