This master thesis deals with the concept of nation branding and its application in German domestic and foreign policy as a soft power building tool. Nation branding is quite a new concept in the international relations that extends into many fields like public diplomacy, cultural diplomacy, marketing or public relations. With its assistance, states create a positive image which they promote to the foreign public in order to become more attractive and competitive at the international level. The thesis is divided into two parts. The first part creates a theoretical background for the analysis. It concentrates on defining the position of nation branding in the field of international relations and introduces the theory of competitive identity. The second part analyses the German nation image building while using the theory of competitive identity. Germany manages its image in two ways - via nation branding campaigns and via six dimensions of its competitive identity. Both ways as well as the German brand as a whole are properly analyzed and simultaneously their strengths and weaknesses are identified. The final part of the thesis summarizes the most important findings and draws the conclusion.

The aim of this thesis is to look at the role of the United States Peace Corps as a tool of soft power in the context of international relations and at the use of soft power as an effective part of diplomacy. This thesis has looks at the role of the Peace Corps in former British colonies in West Africa between 1961 and 1970.The project has focused the relationship of the newly independent British colonies with the United States in a period of intensive ideological interest of the USSR in this part of the world. The primary materials used in the paper have been journals and newspaper articles published by the Peace Corps, testimonials of former Peace Corps volunteers and scholarly publications on the topic of the Peace Corps, West African-American relations and relations between West Africa and the USSR. The Peace Corps played an important role in establishing relations between the US and West African countries in the 1960's with a special emphasis on education.

The purpose of this thesis is to highlight the multi-component conception of the power in the international relations. The military and material power is not a sufficient element in order to apply the influence in the contemporary international political environment. It will point out the reality that in the international relations there are situated the political approaches that lead to the opportunity to be perceived in a positive way by other actors within the international relations. The final impact of these activities is to reach the convenient political environment in order to apply the own political interests and preferences of the state. This opportunity is fulfilled by the wielding of "soft power" and by, for these objectives defined, instruments. The aim of this thesis is to take hold of the one of the most complex instrument that is used for the intentions that were mentioned above. It is the public and cultural diplomacy. "Soft power" and its instrument in the form of public and cultural diplomacy is researched in an objective way in the case of the Czech Republic.

Hur kommunicerar en institution för att behålla sitt kulturella förtroende under kriser? Vi har genomfört en kvalitativ retorisk analys på det material som det brittiska kungahuset producerat på sina sociala medier under två kriser 2019. Tidigare studier av kungahus och likvärdiga institutioners kulturella maktposition i samhället har visat att allmänhetens uppfattning av institutionen i hög grad påverkas av institutionens förmåga att svara på kriser. Dock saknas studier som analyserar en monarkis material i en modern kontext. Med avstamp i teoretiska begrepp som symbolisk makt, soft power, och kulturellt kapital,  har vi undersökt vilka strategier från Image Repair Theory vi kan identifiera och förstå i kungahusets kommunikation. Det brittiska kungahuset har haft som motto att inte klaga över – eller svara på – kritik. På senare år har institutionen dock blivit mer och mer aktiv på sociala medier. Detta innebär att de kommunikationsstrategier som används inte testats under en längre tid, och vi har funnit att dessa inte heller är konsekventa över de olika konton som kungahuset använder. Denna misskommunikation riskerar att skada folkets förtroende för kungahuset, och den kulturella makt de försöker underhålla på sina konton.

Mirakyan, N. (2021). EU Cultural Relations with Partner Countries: Case Study of Armenia [Master's Thesis]. Supervisor: Mgr. Eliška Tomalová, Ph.D. Charles University. Abstract International cultural relations are a key area in the EU external relations and, thus, have gained salience in recent research. There is a growing body of constructivist literature that recognizes the importance of this area. However, there is still uncertainty in the literature regarding the views and attitudes of the partner countries toward the international cultural relations policy of the EU. In this vein, the current thesis project studies the sources and trajectory of the development of cultural relations between the EU and Armenia are from 2014 to 2020. Furthermore, the suitability of the international relations theory of liberalism is revisited in the light of cultural relations with the partner countries when these countries have concluded politico-economic agreements, and it is namely the Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement (CEPA) in the case of Armenia. The conceptions of cultural relations are critically analyzed in relation to the theories of international relations in order to develop a normative hypothesis while excluding common conceptual fallacies and unintentional assumptions. The normative...

Are there any consequences of using sports diplomacy? This thesis will look into sports diplomacy in the recent FIFA 2018 and 2022 cases from the lens of the European Parliament. Large sporting events have grown into an international phenomenon, that has been studied from the premises of power. As critique did rise from the cases of FIFA 2018 and 2022, my approach is to analyse the consequence of failed sports diplomacy, how using soft power tactics play in the international political field and how sports play a part in politics. This thesis will use discourse analysis to find the key reasons for EP’s dissatisfaction with FIFA 2018 and 2022.

In the construction of their media infrastructure, most of the Arab countries are spending millions of dollars on US and Western contracts. Regarded as one of the fastest growing and dynamic markets for media technologies in the world, the region may lack a clear media policy as a guideline to shed light upon the mega million investments on the industry. Some critics suggest that the advanced media technologies provided to the Arab world are mostly initiated by Western sales/marketing strategy rather than Middle Eastern choice and initiative. They see the process as a reaction to the Western media practices, rather than a pre-planned policy. This study is directed toward constructing a critical understanding of the development, and current status, of media policy and infrastructure in the Arab world. Being undertaken as the basis of a Ph. D. thesis in an inter-disciplinary department, the research is informed by a strong inter-disciplinary perspective, but with a clear political economy emphasis. The study seeks to examine whether there is a clear media policy in the Arab world, either at a national or regional level. Within this context, ARABSAT, perhaps the most popular media system in the Arab world, constitutes a specific case study. Inaugurated in 1985, the system has been the subject of extensive debate, sometimes heatedly discussing its pros and cons. Its long period of operation, the extensive contribution of most Arab/Muslim countries in the process of the creation and operation of ARABSAT, as well as the footprint coverage of the system including the Middle East, most parts of Asia, the Indian subcontinent and some parts of Europe, make the contribution of ARABSAT within the Middle East media environment of particular interest. Now, nearly 15 years after the advent of ARABSAT, established and supported by the overwhelming majority of the Arab states, a critical assessment of the system in terms of policy/strategy is timely.

China is believed to employ soft power in international politics to facilitate its peaceful riseand enhance its global appeal by leveraging numerous soft power resources. This study challenges the prevailing resource-centric understanding of China’s soft power by employing a constructivist framework wherein soft power manifests via the deployment of strategic narratives. The analysis of China’s strategic narrative projection and its influence on African leaders' policies and perceptions of China is explored with a specific focus on Ethiopia and South Africa using a qualitative content analysis. The findings reveal that China's narrative projection plays a significant role in shaping the portrayal of Beijing's initiatives in Ethiopia and South Africa. The narratives emphasize a historical connection and shared identity, presenting China as a reliable partner committed to trustworthiness and solidarity with the African populace. The study highlights the importance of soft power narratives in the context of multiple powers vying for influence in African countries. Overall, this research provides valuable insights into the deployment of strategic narratives and their impact on shaping perceptions of Sino-African relations.

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Proxy conflict seems to be on the rise as the contemporary form of armed conflict, particularly manifesting itself in the Middle East and North Africa. While proxy conflicts enjoy increased attention in academia, little research has focused on the type of support a sponsor provides to its proxy. This thesis contributes to the literature by asking under what circumstances does sponsor provide soft power support to proxies in proxy conflict? I employ a qualitative most-similar case design of Iran’ssupport to the Supreme Council for Islamic Revolution (SCIRI) and its military wing the Badr organization in Iraq, as well as United Arab Emirates’ (UAE) support to General Haftar and the Libyan National Army (LNA) in Libya. The theoretical argument posits that mobilized sectarian bonds between sponsor and proxy facilitate a trust that induces the sponsor to provide soft power support in addition to the baseline support of hard power. The empirical findings give mixed support for the argument, as both sponsors provided soft power support, albeit at somewhat various degrees. Notably, Iran mobilized deeper and broader amongst the organizational structure of the proxy and its followers, while UAE arguably only engaged with Haftar as a strong leader but less so with NLA as an organization and its followers. Therefore, there seems to a difference in how the two sponsors penetrated their mobilization of proxies.