Thesis advisor: Hiroshi Nakazato / This paper is an attempt to study the United Nations through the lens of organizational theory, and in particular, the theoretical framework as outlined by Allison and Zelikow in Essence of Decision, in order to understand the implementation patterns of the UN in regards to the Brahimi Report as reported and analyzed by the Henry L. Stimson Center. The findings of this report conclude that the UN is capable of change as demonstrated by its ability to comply with certain Brahimi Report recommendations, but is resistant to change, due to the structure of the organization. This does not mean, however, that it is fundamentally unable to do so. Attempts at reform must be able to circumvent these obstacles through targeted, direct action, for the Brahimi Report recommendations which received the highest implementation ratings were those incremental organizational reforms that targeted specific aspects of peacekeeping operations. Resistance to change within the UN, be it on behalf of individuals, departments, or Member States, is a huge obstacle to change, further compounding the obstacles to reform that the UN faces simply as an organization. Future reforms must thus be framed in a way that specifically grasps the attention of the groups/members involved in the reform, making the issue as pertinent and sensitive to them as it is for the success of UN peace operations in general. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2007. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: International Studies. / Discipline: College Honors Program.

The African Union (AU) has pledged to create a continent of peace and solidarity. However, dozens of socio-ethnic conflicts occur across the continent despite the AU's best efforts to prevent them. In this thesis, case studies of Darfur and Western Sahara were used to assess the efficacy of the AU in the realm of peacemaking and peacekeeping. Within each of these studies, AU impediments to peacemaking and peacekeeping on financial, political, and socio-cultural fronts were analyzed. The findings suggest that while socio-cultural conflict continues to proliferate, the AU has neither the financial resources nor the political clout to meet peacemaking and peacekeeping milestones. Furthermore, findings from this research suggest that conflict founded upon socio-cultural diversity undermines the very foundation of regionalism solidarity and therefore compromises the overall application of regionalism as a mechanism for peacekeeping. This in turn stymies the AU from becoming internationally respected for making and keeping the peace.

第一章 維持和平、強制和平、調停、以及強制外交：概念與定義 這一章分成兩個主要的部分。第一節討論維護和平（peacekeeping）、強制和平執行（peace-enforcement）以及調和（peacemaking）的概念和定義；此外，這些概念和定義，和西非國家經濟共同體（ECOWAS）在賴比瑞亞發起的維持和平行動（peace keeping operation）之間的關連性。第二節首先解釋強制外交（coercive diplomacy）的模式，並且探討ECOWAS在賴比瑞亞進行維持和平行動時，雖然並非有意或故意地應用此模式，但是，根據作者的分析，ECOWAS在賴比瑞亞的行動，卻可明確地解釋為強制外交策略的運用。 　第二章　ECOWAS與賴比瑞亞危機 第二章著眼於賴比瑞亞內戰時，ECOWAS的危機處理。ECOWAS成立於1975年5月，是一個促進西非經濟發展的組織。十五年來，該組織均未悖離其成立宗旨。不過到了1990年，當這個次區域性組織決定介入賴比瑞亞內戰後，它的傳統有了改變。這一章區分成四個主要部分：第一節一窺ECOWAS的目標與發展。第二節重溯賴比瑞亞危機的源頭。第三節，從政治的角度切入，討論ECOWAS介入賴比瑞亞內戰的必要性及合法性。最後一節討論的是在這個次地域當中，存在於英語系國家（the Anglophones）和法語系國家（the Francophones）之間，對政治主導性永無休止的爭鬥，以及他們對維護賴比瑞亞和平的傷害。 第三章　賴比瑞亞境內的維持和平（peacekeeping），1990-1997：強制外交模式的解釋 本章嘗試重塑出ECOWAS在致力於維護賴比瑞亞和平的七年期間的危機處理，即是以「強制外交」的模式，進行其維持和平的努力。關於強制外交的普遍性認知，是恫嚇敵方一旦不服從就會受到處罰，而藉以達到支持某方對敵方行使命令權的目的，其威脅的程度大到足以說服敵方順從此命令。因此，強制外交的理論，是假設行使強制權一方和反動者兩者的完全理性。此研究中，作者採用強制外交一詞，來表示此策略的『防禦性』（defensive）意義，即盡力說服反動者停止並且╱或是取消已著手進行的行動。在賴比瑞亞和平維持行動的案例中，奈吉利亞，此一西非的『霸權』（hegemony）；是公認的『強制性威權』（coercive power）。而身為賴比瑞亞國家愛國陣線（NPFL）的領導人，查爾斯•泰勒則是被視作強制性行動的『反動者』（opponent）。這一章分為四個主要的部分：第一節著眼於奈吉利亞的強制性威權；第二節討論賴比瑞亞國家統一臨時政府（IGNU）的組成；第三節在討論賴比瑞亞國會議員以及賴比瑞亞國家過渡政府（LNTG）的組成；最後一節檢視自阿布查一世協定（Abuja I Accord）和阿布查二世協定（Abuja II Accord）之後，在賴比瑞亞的危機處理方面，賴國國會議員以及ECOWAS間的互動。 第四章 賴比瑞亞衝突的最終解決之道 成功的調停是是一種含容、誘導和修正的混合。調停者必須能夠阻止衝突的迫近或升高，並將衝突的雙方自敵對的觀念和行動中分開，並且有能力把他們引入一個較和諧的關係當中。調停者事實上也是個參與、運用強制性霸權的角色，能夠迫使頑強的一方妥協，並同意原先不願接受的解決方案。最好的情況下，調停者必須有足以威嚇衝突雙方的力量與權威，而使他們瞭解倘若解決之道沒有被採用的話，他們將面對無止盡的衝突；且即使解決之道獲得採用，也必須確實執行。這一章在探討賴比瑞亞內戰的最終解決之道。在這場維持和平的戲碼中，ECOWAS和聯合國駐賴比瑞亞觀察團（UNOMIL）是不可或缺的要角。這一章分成三個主要的部分。第一節討論在阿布查二世協定後，停戰以及終止動員的過程。作者對於停戰的定義是，在限期之內，鼓勵各個傾軋的派系交出武器的政治過程。而終止動員則是一種透過提供經濟誘因，使得原武裝士兵重新融入平民的過程。第二節探討在部分停戰以及停止徵用各式國民軍後，政治黨派的形成及隨之而來的歷史性選舉。最後一節則審視查爾斯•泰勒的崛起，而成為賴比瑞亞內戰後的民選總統。 第五章 ECOWAS與聯合國的合作 第五章探討由聯合國和ECOWAS所發起的合作行動，目的在為受戰爭蹂躪的賴比瑞亞謀求和平。這是聯合國破天荒第一遭可以和另一個組織—在此個案中，是一個次區域性組織—共同採取維持和平的行動。賴比瑞亞的個案提供了一個有用的實證性基礎，去評估聯合國和區域性機構之間，彼此分工合作的觀念，亦即與非官方組織（NGO）的合作能夠符合「聯合國憲章」第三十三條的精神。這一章分為三節，試圖評估在賴比瑞亞的衝突時，ECOWAS和聯合國合作所採取的回應行動的成效如何。第一節探討合作的原因。第二節則是合作的本質。最後一節提出造成合作失敗的原因。

<p>The United Nations Security Council resolution 1325 on women, peace and security was passed by the Security Council in 2000. Its passing was made possible by the efforts of NGOs around the world and was seen as a huge step for women in conflict and post-conflict situations as women were not only seen as victims but as agents of peace. The resolution deals with the obligations of Member States as well as those of the Security Council within its peacekeeping missions.</p><p>Eight years have passed since the passing of the resolution and this thesis examines how the resolution is visible in a peacekeeping mission. In order to answer this question reports and resolutions by the Security Council and the Secretary- General have been examined as well as literature on gender and peacekeeping. Field research was conducted in the Sudan from April to June 2008 in Khartoum and Kadugli. Interviews were carried out with NGOs, UN staff and with personnel within the UN peacekeeping mission in Sudan, UNMIS.</p><p>The UN reports and the field research both conclude that there are several obstacles preventing resolution 1325 from being implemented within the UN. One of the main obstacles is the lack of accountability within the UN system. Furthermore, it was found that personal interest played a major role in whether or not a gender perspective was being taken into account. Gender was also regarded by UN staff as ad hoc instead of an integral part of their work. The conclusion is that resolution 1325 is not yet fully visible in the peacekeeping mission observed, UNMIS.</p>

<p>This research paper focuses on the legal protection of humanitarian workers. It refers to the experience of governmental organizations with a humanitarian vocation, and international humanitarian organizations, such as, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), active in more than 80 countries. The ICRC was created in order provide assistance and protection to wounded combatants,11 but its activity has gradually extended to include prisoners of war and civilians, territories. Also Medecin Sans Frontiere (MSF), functioning in more than 70 countries, was established to provide medical assistance to victims of conflicts or natural and other disasters.</p>

The United Nations Security Council resolution 1325 on women, peace and security was passed by the Security Council in 2000. Its passing was made possible by the efforts of NGOs around the world and was seen as a huge step for women in conflict and post-conflict situations as women were not only seen as victims but as agents of peace. The resolution deals with the obligations of Member States as well as those of the Security Council within its peacekeeping missions. Eight years have passed since the passing of the resolution and this thesis examines how the resolution is visible in a peacekeeping mission. In order to answer this question reports and resolutions by the Security Council and the Secretary- General have been examined as well as literature on gender and peacekeeping. Field research was conducted in the Sudan from April to June 2008 in Khartoum and Kadugli. Interviews were carried out with NGOs, UN staff and with personnel within the UN peacekeeping mission in Sudan, UNMIS. The UN reports and the field research both conclude that there are several obstacles preventing resolution 1325 from being implemented within the UN. One of the main obstacles is the lack of accountability within the UN system. Furthermore, it was found that personal interest played a major role in whether or not a gender perspective was being taken into account. Gender was also regarded by UN staff as ad hoc instead of an integral part of their work. The conclusion is that resolution 1325 is not yet fully visible in the peacekeeping mission observed, UNMIS.

Since the opening of economic reform in 1978, mainland China's national power as a whole has been greatly enhanced with more than two decades of economic development. Under the impact of such events as the First Persian Gulf War, the Kosovo War, global anti-terrorist attacks following the 9/11/01 Attacks on America, and the Second Persian Gulf War, mainland China has thus reconstructed its viewpoint of international as well as regional security. This thesis aims to inspect, from the perspective of international regime, China's policy towards UN peacekeeping operations and apply the rationale of Neo-liberal Institutionalism ( which is based on international regime theory ) to explaining and analyzing the evolution of China's peacekeeping policy. China's policy has made a drastic impact on current international relations, involving peace and stability not just of Asian-Pacific but of cross-Strait relations. Due to the two-handed strategy adopted in dealing with ongoing cross-Strait issues, China has always shown reluctance to renounce the use of military force on Taiwan up to the present. As a result, cross-Strait security is now being threatened from enormous military stress. Hopefully, both sides of the Taiwan Strait can resolve existing political conflicts by taking peaceful means. However, in the face of such threats from China's abrupt rise as well as having its veto exercised by force in the UN Security Council and then proceeding to play a zero-sum game in which pure competitions in foreign affairs are doomed to become intensified, I'm deeply convinced that, through peacekeeping operations as well as coordination and cooperation between regional/international organizations ( as they are probed into in the thesis ), possible cross-Strait conflicts can be reduced to a great extent.

Univ., Diss.--Stockholm, 2005. / Literaturverz. S. [343] - 352.

Thesis (M.A.)--Naval Postgraduate School, 2001. / Title from title screen (viewed Aug. 14, 2003). Includes bibliographical references.

<p>This research paper focuses on the legal protection of humanitarian workers. It refers to the experience of governmental organizations with a humanitarian vocation, and international humanitarian organizations, such as, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), active in more than 80 countries. The ICRC was created in order provide assistance and protection to wounded combatants,11 but its activity has gradually extended to include prisoners of war and civilians, territories. Also Medecin Sans Frontiere (MSF), functioning in more than 70 countries, was established to provide medical assistance to victims of conflicts or natural and other disasters.</p>