For over 30 years now, the Polisario Front has led the Sahrawi struggle for independence in Western Sahara. Following Spanish decolonization of the territory in 1976, Morocco claimed the territory of Western Sahara leading to a protracted war against the Polisario Front. The 1991 United Nations brokered ceasefire agreement prompted the Polisario to switch from warfare as its main tactic to leveraging international support for Sahrawi self-determination and raising awareness of the conflict. This paper discusses how the international community helps the Polisario Front gain recognition for its cause, the Polisario Front’s tactics for leveraging international support, and the limits of relying on the international community. / text

Western Sahara has been granted the dubious distinction of Africa's last colony. Long a victim of imperial enterprise, the territory was annexed by Morocco in 1975 Just as Spain withdrew. Despite international protest affirming the Saharawi people's right to a referendum of self-determination, still the question of Western Sahara lingers, frozen in time. This paper will demonstrate that a referendum no longer offers a way forward for three reasons: it is unlikely a referendum will be held due to Morocco's unwillingness to cooperate; if a referendum went forward, it is improbable that it would prove free and fair given Moroccan attempts to undermine the process; and if a successful referendum took place, it is unlikely the international community would be prepared to enforce Saharawi sovereignty. As such, alternatives must be sought. An examination of possible scenarios suggests limited autonomy, as a result of an Algero-Moroccan rapprochement, is Western Sahara's most likely trajectory.

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Sahrawi communities in the Western Saharan region of northwest Africa have experienced a series of radical shifts over the past century from decentralized nomadic tribal organization to colonial rule under the Spanish Sahara (1884-1975) and annexation by Morocco and Mauritania in 1975. The international dispute over the future of the Western Sahara remains unresolved between the Moroccan government that administers the territory and the Sahrawi opposition that seeks self-determination under the leadership of the Polisario Front. In this context, this dissertation explores the lived experience and social memory of Sahrawis affected by conflict, diaspora, and urbanization over the past thirty-five years by examining multivocal expressions of ethnic and gender identity, nationalism, and citizenship in personal narratives and oral poetry in Hassaniyya Arabic. Through modes of everyday speech and verbal performances, Sahrawis living in the undisputed region of Morocco and the disputed Western Sahara exhibit varying political allegiances linked to tribal and national affiliations and political economic factors. Pro-independence activists negotiate public and clandestine aspirations for an independent state with the realities of living under Moroccan administration while refugees in Algeria employ performance genres to appeal for political and humanitarian support in the international community and maintain communication in the Sahrawi diaspora. Intergenerational perspectives between Sahrawis born before and after the 1975 cleavage reveal key divergences between the older generation that retains an active memory of nomadic livelihoods and pre-national tribal organization, the middle generation affected by a massive shift to urban residence and compulsory postcolonial nationalism, and the younger generation raised primarily in urban environments and refugee camps. Across generations, Sahrawi women have retained a prominent role in maintaining tribal and family ties and serving as leaders in nationalist and social movements.

The purpose of investigating the conflict over the Western Sahara is to trace and analyze its impact upon the political stability of the northwest region of the African continent. Chapter I provides background information on the Western Sahara. Chapter II discusses the international political developments affecting the Western Sahara. Chapter III discusses the positions of Morocco, the Polisario, Algeria, and Mauritania; Chapter IV analyzes those of Spain, France, the Soviet Union, and the United States. Chapter V describes the role of the OAU in dealing with the conflict. The internal economic development of the involved parties has been disrupted because they were obliged to appropriate funds to purchase arms for the exigencies of the war. Ending the conflict depends upon improving relations between Morocco and Algeria.

The African Union (AU) has pledged to create a continent of peace and solidarity. However, dozens of socio-ethnic conflicts occur across the continent despite the AU's best efforts to prevent them. In this thesis, case studies of Darfur and Western Sahara were used to assess the efficacy of the AU in the realm of peacemaking and peacekeeping. Within each of these studies, AU impediments to peacemaking and peacekeeping on financial, political, and socio-cultural fronts were analyzed. The findings suggest that while socio-cultural conflict continues to proliferate, the AU has neither the financial resources nor the political clout to meet peacemaking and peacekeeping milestones. Furthermore, findings from this research suggest that conflict founded upon socio-cultural diversity undermines the very foundation of regionalism solidarity and therefore compromises the overall application of regionalism as a mechanism for peacekeeping. This in turn stymies the AU from becoming internationally respected for making and keeping the peace.

Imperialism has for a long time been an important concept in international relations. The literature identifies many different types of imperialism. After the great de-colonization scientists stopped discussing “classic” imperialism, i.e. using physical strength in the form of conquest and occupation to subdue weaker states. Instead focus has for decades been on a new form of imperialism using economic measures to suppress weaker states; this is called neo-imperialism. Galtung, one of the leading scholars of imperialism, is among the scholars who have dismissed classic imperialism to be a thing of the past. This study asks whether classical imperialism can explain the situation in Morocco-Western Sahara and China-Tibet. Implementing the theories of classic imperialism and identifying several typical indicators of its existence clearly show the presence of classic imperialism in the case studies of China’s occupation of Tibet and the Moroccan occupation of Western Sahara. Thus, the results tell us that these theories are still of relevance in explaining the relationship between a stronger state and a weaker neighbouring state.

<p>Imperialism has for a long time been an important concept in international relations. The literature identifies many different types of imperialism. After the great de-colonization scientists stopped discussing “classic” imperialism, i.e. using physical strength in the form of conquest and occupation to subdue weaker states. Instead focus has for decades been on a new form of imperialism using economic measures to suppress weaker states; this is called neo-imperialism. Galtung, one of the leading scholars of imperialism, is among the scholars who have dismissed classic imperialism to be a thing of the past.</p><p>This study asks whether classical imperialism can explain the situation in Morocco-Western Sahara and China-Tibet. Implementing the theories of classic imperialism and identifying several typical indicators of its existence clearly show the presence of classic imperialism in the case studies of China’s occupation of Tibet and the Moroccan occupation of Western Sahara. Thus, the results tell us that these theories are still of relevance in explaining the relationship between a stronger state and a weaker neighbouring state.</p>

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