No / Plagued by bloody wars and armed conflicts, political instability, communal violence and displaced persons, and at the mercy of natural catastrophes such as drought and famine, it is not surprising that the Western press has long dismissed Africa as the 'hopeless continent'. In the face of these challenges, Africa today is faced with a stark choice: either unite or perish. The debate on why and how the continent should unite in terms of co-operative peace, security and development is more urgent than at any other time in Africa's post-colonial history. Moving forward from the failure of the earlier, typically idealistic Africa unity project, David Francis demonstrates how peace and security challenges have created the imperative for change. He argues that a series of regional peace and security systems are emerging, and that states that have participated in practical experiments in regional peacekeeping, peace support operations, conflict stabilization/management and preventive diplomacy are building de facto systems of peace and security that could be institutionalized and extended.

The United Nations currently adopts media policies for peacekeeping missions on an ad-hoc basis, often relying on US or NATO rules. Some have suggested that a standardized media policy for all peacekeeping missions should be the norm. This project examines that proposition with an eye to the tension between the right to know and operational security. Looking at UN intervention in the Gulf War, Somalia, and Rwanda, the problems with such a rigid media policy appear significant. Instead, a dual-level approach is advocated, allowing broad principles of independent coverage as well as in-country negotiations to take place. / Master of Arts

Under what conditions are drones effective in protecting civilians in armed conflict? And what shapes support for their use for civilian protection in armed conflict? Drones have been adopted into international peacekeeping operations for the protection of civilians in armed conflict based on the expectation of effectiveness in performing difficult tasks with limited risks. However, in the security studies literature, the question of the effectiveness of drones has been primarily explored within the context of the War on Terror. We know little about drones' effectiveness in non-combat areas like civilian protection in peacekeeping. This dissertation fills this gap by focusing on questions that emerge at the intersection of the fields of emerging technologies, peacekeeping, and civilian protection, political violence, and broader security studies, with the aim of extending this literature and providing policymakers and scholars a framework for conceptualizing emerging technologies for civilian protection in armed conflict. Empirically, it employs qualitative evidence consisting of document reviews, archival work, and expert interviews with officials at the UN headquarters and mission levels, mission intelligence officers, peacekeepers, and humanitarian workers in assessing the effectiveness of drones in peacekeeping for civilian protection. It additionally employs an original survey and a survey experiment among civilian adult populations in the Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo to examine what shapes civilian support for the adoption of drones in peacekeeping. Overall, this dissertation provides valuable insights for both scholars and policymakers who, due to the limited research on this subject, often base assumptions about drone effectiveness in other domains like peacekeeping on their performance in combat contexts.

University of Macau / Faculty of Law

The purpose of this paper was to examine if UN (United Nations) peacekeeping operations an be used as a tool to promote great powers own interests and enable power maximization for states in the international system. In other words, if great powers really cooperate with each other to promote peace or if they only seek to maximize their own power position. Based on the assumption that the state’s own interests benefit from its commitment to the UN and that it ultimately can increase the state’spower position, it becomes thus important to identify a state’sown interests to contribute to an explanation of how states act within international institutions. The case of China and its actions in African countries through the UN peacekeeping operations MONUSCO and UNMIS are evaluated, to verify if China applies to 4 of the 5 assumptions raised in John Mearsheimer’s theory of offensive realism. This, to illustrate how states attempt to use economic, military and multilateral means to increase their power position in the international system. The conclusion of the analysis is that 3 (possibly 4) of Mearsheimer’s assumptions are encountered by China’s actions. After demonstrating that China applies to some of theas sumptions of offensive realism, this study suggests further research concerning the connection between great powers pursuit of power and its commitment to UN peacekeeping operations.

In this thesis, I explore everyday militarisation in UN peace operations by studying how Sweden's s 'peace nation' narrative is possibly militarised by participating in the robust peacekeeping operation in Mali. The aim is to increase understanding around how militarisation occurs in modern peace operations, domains that are meant to be peaceful but are becoming increasingly war-like. The Swedish narrative is generated through interviews with Swedish peacekeepers that have previously been deployed to Mali and through readings of the Swedish Armed Forces blog Malibloggen. The material is analysed through a narrative analysis inspired by Mieke Bal (2009). I find that the Swedish narrative is partly militarised during participation in the mission, as it can be argued that Sweden arranged its sense of belonging around military values and chose military modes of conflict resolution over civilian to some extent. The soldiers were also cognitively preparing for war and military measures were partially normalised. This result illustrates that when countries that regard themselves as 'peace nations' take part in militarised UN PSOs, their narrative can become militarised to some extent as they arrange their sense of belonging around values of war and military force. This, in turn, has implications for the spread of militarisation across the globe, potentially leading to a lower threshold of war.

Until the 1980s, the People’s Republic of China was principally opposed to United Nations peacekeeping, understanding the institution to be a thinly veiled excuse for powerful states to intervene in the sovereign affairs of others. However, the meaning the country attributes to peacekeeping has changed drastically since then. China has adopted a more pragmatic attitude and has gradually become more supportive and involved in United Nations peacekeeping. Today the country stands as a major contributor to peacekeeping, not least in terms of the number of peacekeepers it contributes to missions. However, how does China make sense of its current behaviour? This paper seeks to understand how the participation of Chinese military personnel and police in peacekeeping operations is made coherent with Chinese self-identity. The paper employs a narrative analysis that focuses on how narratives draw on master narratives about Chinese collective memory to construct participation in peacekeeping as a natural conclusion to already accepted notions about what it means to be Chinese. On the one hand, this paper confirms the findings of previous scholarship on Chinese identity and the country’s attitude on peacekeeping. Like these, this paper finds that China’s self-identity as a part of the Global South and as a great power plays a role in how China conceptualizes peacekeeping. However, on the other hand, the paper also finds dissonance in how the narrative relates peacekeeping to China’s identity as a part of the Global South. Additionally, this paper also demonstrates that the narrative draws on several master narratives that have not previously been identified as important to how China makes meaning of peacekeeping. Specifically, these are the collective memories of ‘Asian values’, China’s experiences from the Second World War, and the revolutionary history of the CPC.

Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Private Military and Security Companies (PMSCs) are fast becoming a permanent structure in international security. PMSCs are made up of two groups, namely Private Military Companies (PMCs) and Private Security Companies (PSCs). Antagonism towards their existence and involvement in African civil wars is the result of some damaging effects of PMSCs- more specifically PMCs- including misconceptions. Both PMCs and PSCs are compared to mercenaries and definitional issues plague the private security industry. Private Military and Security Companies however are legal entities, different to mercenaries. This is why PMCs are sometimes referred to as "corporate warriors". As private companies PMCs often fill the security gaps left by international responses to African civil wars. Their contracts with legitimate governments offer a cheap and effective end to the violence of civil war. In recent years the use of PMSCs has increased among both weak and strong states. Antipathy however remains the prominent attitude in the international community, thus challenging the use of PMSCs. From this point of view, they are a ¡°scourge¡± because PMCs are not only likened to mercenaries of old who fight for private gain, but the arguments are also that they undermine the sovereignty of weak states, that they are unaccountable to the citizens of these states, that they violate human rights, that they don't solve root causes and that they contribute to militarization. The increase of civil conflicts in Africa and the surplus of military professionals after the Second World War meant that mercenaries became involved in African liberation struggles. By the end of the Cold War however- in an era that favours liberal economic practices and privatisation- professional legal Private Military and Security Companies were established to supplement the security gap left at the end of the Cold War. As mentioned, these are legal companies that don.t breach international conventions; are accountable to some home state legislation's and brought peace to Angola and Sierra Leone. International responses to security concerns- especially those in Africa- are burdened by the plethora of complex civil conflicts that simultaneously demand attention from the United Nations. PMCs may be equipped to execute Chapter VII mandates of the UN Charter, as these deal with robust enforcement functions at a time when the West is reluctant to intervene. What is perhaps required is more accountability (also to host state legislation) and oversight. The services of PMCs are beneficial to a number of stakeholders. These include the states in which they are registered, the states in which they operate, the citizenry that they protect, and they are profitable to the shareholders of the PMCs and diamond and oil companies they are contracted to. It is thus the conclusion of this thesis that Private Military Companies provide a faster and more cost- effective option for peacemaking in Africa. As private companies they are not bound by protocols and conventions but they must satisfy the company and its shareholders. And although the use of Private Military Companies is not dependent on the regulation of the industry, the PMSC industry would benefit from more self- regulation in the market place. Thus with relevant and more effective regulation, PMCs could become Africa's solution to her civil conflicts. Unlike in the Ballesteros report, the UN has to recognise this role. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Private Militere- en Sekuriteitsmaatskappye (PMSMe) is vinnig besig om 'n permanente struktuur in privaatsekuriteit te word. Skadelike uitwerkings van hierdie PMSMe, wanpersepsies ingesluit, is 'n gevolg van die antagonisme teenoor die maatskappye en hul betrokkenheid in burgeroorloë. PMSMe word met huursoldate vergelyk en gevolglik word die privaatsekuriteitsindustrie met kwessies rondom definiering gekwel. PMSMe, anders as huursoldate, is egter wettige entiteite. Om hierdie rede word PMSMe dikwels as "korporatiewe krygsmanne" (corporate warriors) beskryf. PMSMe, as private maatksappye, vul dikwels die sekuriteitsgapings wat deur die internasionale reaksies tot burgeroorloë in Afrika gelaat is. Hul kontrakte met legitieme regerings bied 'n goedkoop en effektiewe middel om die geweld van burgeroorloë te beëindig. Die gebruik van PMSMe het, gedurende die afgelope jare, in beide swak- en sterk state toegeneem. Antipatie dien steeds as in vername afkeur in die internasionale gemeenskap. Dit daag dus die gebruik van PMSMe uit. Hulle word steeds met huursoldate in die internasionale gemeenskap verwar. Terselfdertyd word geargumenteer dat PMSMe die soewereiniteit van swak regerings ondermyn, dat hulle nie verantwoordbaar aan die burgers van hierdie state is nie, dat hulle inbreuk maak op menseregte, dat hulle nie die kernoorsake van konflik oplos nie, en dat hulle tot militarisering bydra. Die toename in burgerlike konflikte in Afrika, tesame met die oorskot militêre vakkundiges na die Tweede Wereldoorlog, het gemaak dat huursoldate in Afrika se vryheidstryde betrokke geraak het. Teen die einde van die Koue Oorlog - gedurende 'n tydperk waar liberale ekonomiese praktyke en privatisering voorrang geniet het - was professionele wettige PMSMe byderhand om die sekuriteitsgaping aan te vul. Hierdie is dus wettige maatskappye wat nie internasionale konvensies skend nie, wat verantwoordbaar is aan sekere tuisstaatwetgewing, en wat vrede in Angola en Sierra Leone meegebring het. Internasionale reaksies tot sekuriteitskwessies - veral die sigbaar in Afrika - word deur 'n oormaat van komplekse burgerlike konflikte, wat gelyktydig aandag van die Verenigde Nasies (VN) verg, belas. Hiervolgens is dit moontlik dat PMSMe wel toegerus mag wees om Hoofstuk II-mandate van die VN Handves uit te voer. Die rede hiervoor is dat die PMSMe wel toegerus is om robuuste toepassings funksies te verrig. Dit het veral vorendag gekom gedurende 'n tydperk toe die Weste huiwerig was om by sekuriteitskwessies in te meng. Hoer vlakke van verantwoordbaarheid en oorsig word moontlik meer vereis. Die dienste van PMSMe is voordelig vir vele belanghebbendes. Hierdie sluit die state in waar hul gekontrakteer het, die state waarin hulle optree, die burgers wat hulle beskerm, die winsgewendherd vir aandeelhouers van die PMSMe en die diamant- en oliemaatskappye deur wie hul gekontrakteer mag wees om installasies te beskerm. Die gevolgtrekking van hierdie tesis is dus dat PMSMe 'n vinniger en meer koste-effektiewe opsie vir vredemaking in Afrika bied. Al is die gebruik van PMSMe nie afhanklik van die regulering van die industrie nie, sal die PMSMe-industrie by 'n verhoging in self-regulering in daardie sektore baat vind. Met relevante en meer effektiewe markregulering, kan PMSMe dus as 'n oplossing in Afrika se burgerlike konflik dien. Anders as in die Ballesteros verslag, sal die VN dit moet erken.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2009. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This paper analyses the UN Senior Mission Administration and Resource Training (SMART) programme, a training course which was created to improve the management of UN peacekeeping mission resources and support functions and to improve the performance of managers in the UN Department of Field Support and Department of Peacekeeping. The history of the SMART programme and the context in whic h it was created is provided before evaluating the programme against current training and learning theory literature. The paper also examines the current and potential capacity of SMART to facilitate triple loop learning, or innovation, through the inclus ion of futures studies concepts, such as scenario-building, change and strategy management in the programme. Lastly, the study recommends that SMART learners be equipped with these futures-orientated planning tools to improve their work performance, facilitate triple loop learning and thus improve the overall organisational performance of the Department of Field Support. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie navorsingsprojek analiseer die Verenigde Nasies (VN) se SMART Program (Administrasie en Hulpbron Opleidingsprogram), wat ontwikkel is om die bestuur van hulpbronne en ondersteuningsfunksies in VN Vredesmissies asook die werkverrigting van bestuurders in die VN se Departement van Veldondersteuning en Departement Vredesinstandhouding te verbeter. 'n Historiese oorsig van die SMART program asook die konteks waarin die program ontwikkel is, word eers verskaf, voordat 'n literatuurstudie gedoen word van die huidige opleidings- en leerteorië. Die studie ondersoek verder die huidige vermoë van die SMART program om trippelring-leervermoë (of innovasie) te ontwikkel deur die insluiting van toekomsstudiekonsepte soos senario-ontwikkeling en veranderings- en strategiebestuur. Ten slotte word voorgestel dat deelnemers aan die program met toekomsgeörienteerde beplanningsgereedskap toegerus word om hulle met die uitvoering van hulle take te help en trippelring-leerontwikkeling te bewerkstellig, en sodoende die oorkoepelende organisatoriese werkverrigting in die Departement van Veldondersteuning te verbeter.

Šiame magistriniame darbe autorė analizuoja Jungtinių Tautų taikos misijų teisinį reglamentavimą. Autorės iškeltas darbo tikslas – išanalizuoti taikos misijų rūšių teisinius pagrindus, pamatinius taikos principus ir atskleisti praktikai būdingas problemas. Darbą sudaro dvi dalys. Pirmosios dalies pirmame poskyryje pateikiamas Jungtinių Tautų taikos misijų istorinis vystymasis nuo Šaltojo karo iki šių dienų, išskiriamos skirtingos taikos misijų rūšys. Antrame poskyryje analizuojamas Jungtinių Tautų taikos misijų rūšių teisinis pagrindas, trečiajame ‒ atribojama pagrindinių Jungtinių Tautų organų kompetencija, vykdant saugumo politiką. Analizei naudojama Jungtinių Tautų Chartija, Tarptautinio Teisingumo Teismo praktika. Ketvirtajame poskyryje autorė pateikia trijų pamatinių taikos principų turinio analizę. Antroji dalis skirta praktinėms taikos misijų problemoms. Analizuojant Jungtinių Tautų Organizacijos oficialius dokumentus, pateikiamos tradicinių taikos misijų Konge, platesnio masto taikos misijų Bosnijoje ir Afganistane esminės teisinio pagrindo ir pamatinių taikos misijų principų taikymo problemos. Paskutiniame poskyryje analizuojamas Lietuvos valstybės dalyvavimas taikos misijose: a) pateikiama nacionalinių teisės aktų, susijusių su Lietuvos dalyvavimu taikos operacijose teisinė analizė; b) Lietuvos vadovavimas Afganistano Goro provincijos atkūrimui. Darbo pabaigoje autorė pateikia teisinio reglamentavimo ir praktinių problemų išvadas. Pagrindinės praktikoje sutinkamos... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / In this paper the author performs analysis of United Nations peacekeeping legal regulation. The author’s goal ‒ to analyze legal basis of different kinds of peacekeeping operations, fundamental peacekeeping principles and disclose typical problems in practice. The work is divided in two parts. First part begins with section devoted to historical development of peacekeeping missions ‒ from the Cold War to the present, and classification of peacekeeping missions. In the second section the author analyses legal basis of different types of peacekeeping operations. The third section comprises separation of powers of the main United Nations organs, while conducting security policy. Furthermore, the author analyses The Charter of The United Nations and the practice of The International Court of Justice. The fourth section consists of content analysis of three substantial peacekeeping principles. In the second part the practical peacekeeping challenges are analysed. The author reviews Official United Nations documents and raises problems related to application of legal basis and fundamental principles of traditional peacekeeping in Congo and wider peacekeeping operations in Bosnia and Afghanistan. The second part is concluded by legal analysis of Lithuanian participation in peacekeeping operations: a) national legislation related to the participation in peacekeeping operations b) Lithuania’s leadership in one of Afghanistan province – Ghor ‒ reconstruction. At the end, the author... [to full text]