This thesis aims to examine the final years of missionary activity in China, with particular reference to the Baptist Missionary Society (BMS). It argues that, contrary to existing narratives, the Society was committed, from the beginning of its work in China, to placing responsibility for evangelism, church organisation and leadership in the hands of Chinese Christians, but that this plan was undone by events in China between 1937 and 1952. The missionary departure from the province of Shandong, planned to take place in 1942, was delayed when members of the Chinese church found themselves obliged to seek additional help from the BMS in order to cope with the destruction occasioned first by the War of Resistance against Japan, and later by the Civil War. The thesis explores the contrasting experience of work during this period in three different North China provinces, Shandong, Shanxi and Shaanxi. It examines the way the BMS dealt with the new developments, and the impact on individual missionaries and their families of working in this rapidly-changing environment. When Baptist missionaries eventually left, their departure was no longer in keeping with the systematic plan of withdrawal devised earlier, but was precipitated by political developments following the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949. Relationships with Chinese colleagues had to be abruptly terminated, and strident public criticisms were levied against missionaries and other foreigners. The shock of this unplanned and painful departure led missionaries and missionary societies to reflect critically on the whole past history of their work in China. This negative emphasis has got in the way of a more nuanced assessment of the missionary contribution during these years.

近年來，中共經濟持續高速發展受到世人的高度矚目，亦被國際公認為崛起的大國。但由於中共生產的石油無法滿足經濟成長需求，自西元1993年成為石油淨進口國後，西元2004年更超越日本成為第二大能源進口國，這成為中共經濟成長甚至是國家安定最大的隱憂。在無法自給自足的情況下，中共採取一系列包含「走出去」等能源供應多元化方面的能源外交策略以確保其油源供應穩定，以支撐其快速的經濟發展狀況。 中共與非洲國家在政治上保有良好的傳統友誼，而非洲豐富的資源能彌補中共能源供給缺口，並且非洲擁有適合中共產品生存的市場，這使得非洲產油國成為中共能源外交的主要對象。在手段上，中共重視與非洲在政治、安全、經濟等方面之合作關係，為求實質加強與非洲合作關係，以利能源外交在非洲國家的拓展。 因此，本文嘗試在經濟、政治與安全領域，以文獻分析法來探討中共對非洲能源外交手段與影響，及中共對非洲能源外交之成果與未來趨勢。 關鍵字：中共、非洲、能源外交 / In recent years, the rapid economic development of the People’s Republic of China(PRC)has caught the attention of the world and is recognized as a rising power in the world. However, the oil production of the PRC does not meet the need of economic growth. China has imported oil since 1993 and has surpassed Japan to become the second largest energy importing country since 2004, which is the biggest threat to economic growth and national security and stability of the PRC. Facing the challenge of being self-sufficient, the PRC has adopted a series of diversified energy supply and energy diplomacy strategy, including “going global”, to ensure a stable supply of oil source and to support the rapid economic development. The PRC has maintained a good political friendship with African countries. The rich resources in Africa can make up for the energy supply shortage of the PRC. African market is necessary for the survival of Made-in-China products, which makes the African oil-producing countries the main objects of the PRC’s energy diplomacy. In terms of means, the PRC values the collaboration with African nations in politics, security, and economy; also, it strengthens cooperation with African nations to facilitate energy diplomacy. Therefore, this study is to explore the energy diplomatic means and impact of the PRC on Africa with the Literature Analysis Method; also, the achievement of the PRC in the energy diplomacy with Africa and the future trend is discussed. Key words: People’s Republic of China (the PRC), Africa, Energy Diplomacy

The purpose of this thesis is to investigate implementation strategies of SwedishManufacturing Companies when establishing in People’s Republic of China, with the objective to determine what strategy that is the most commonly adapted. Strategy is an important approach, which companies apply when deciding what direction a company should take, in terms of financial, structural and operational. This study takes a deeper look into the different strategy approaches related to business expansions and establishment in PRC. By evaluating the intentions of a business expansion in People’s Republic of China, the different strategy approaches are influenced by the choice of strategy.The background is based on previous research and existing theories related to strategy. The theoretical framework of the thesis has its foundation in Porter’s theory of competitive strategy. It has been reshaped by Shi & Gregory (1998), Bartlett and Ghoshol (1998), Miltenberg (2005) and Luthans and Doh (2008). To strengthen the matrixes by Luthan and Doh and Miltenberg to Porter’s theory, a model has been developed and explained to connect the different frameworks to the primary data. In order to fulfill the purpose of this study a cross-sectional design is used. A deductive research approach is followed, and applying questionnaires in order to collect the empirical data necessary to answer the research questions uses a quantitative method. The questionnaires were distributed to a selected sample consisting of 39 Swedish Manufacturing companies that are established in PRC, consisting of a population of 99 Swedish Manufacturing companies in People’s Republic of China. The overall results showed a very scattered placement of the companies within the strategy matrix. Nevertheless, the result indicated that the majority of Swedish Manufacturing companies establishing in the People’s Republic of China choose a Transnational Strategy in a global context. Note that the results should only be used as supportive data and not as a valid source of final information.

2008年元月實施的《中華人民共和國勞動合同法》，是中國大陸政府當局宣告擺脫過往提供低廉人力資源的新興國家形象，挑選更願意肩付企業社會責任的企業，轉型成為真正大國。這部勞動合同法在更全面保障勞工權益時，被資方及部分學者視為一部親勞方遠資方的法令，執行後衝擊許多外商，其中包括台商。 2008年元月實施的《中華人民共和國勞動合同法》，是中國大陸政府當局宣告擺脫過往提供低廉人力資源的新興國家形象，挑選更願意肩付企業社會責任的企業，轉型成為真正大國。這部勞動合同法在更全面保障勞工權益時，被資方及部分學者視為一部親勞方遠資方的法令，執行後衝擊許多外商，其中包括台商。 本論文針對勞動合同法對台商造成的影響進行探討，不同產業的台商受到影響的差別性，並研討台商因應之道，例如作出內部制度改革及遷徙廠房等，遷徙路線是本文探討焦點。 本論文透過與台商的深度訪談獲得相關資訊，歸納出台商在勞動合同法實施後，決定西移入中國大陸內地、南移向東南亞國家、或是向東返回台灣投資的三個遷徙路線，與作出這個決定的背後考量。 2008年台灣總統大選後再次政黨輪替，馬政府團隊重新開啟與對岸的交流，台灣當局也利用這個台商思動和兩岸融冰的時機，提供優惠政策吸引台商返台投資。勞動合同法的頒布也牽動台商在兩岸的移轉和經營的變革。 / Law of The People’s Republic of China on Employment Contracts is executed to get rid of the image of offering cheap human resource, Mainland China’s stereotype for investors in majority. After practicing the Law, the government expects to attract enterprises with more willing of taking social responsibilities to transform as the modern country. The Law protects labors’rights more completely, but is regarded a bias against investors. The consequence of practicing the Law impacts many foreign investors, including Taiwanese businessmen. This thesis discusses how the Law impacts Taiwanese businessmen, various effects to different businesses, and the responses from Taiwanese investors, such as the innovation of internal system and removal of business. Where do those Taiwanese businessmen remove their investment is the key point of this thesis. The conclusion of this thesis is based on one-by-one interview with selected Taiwanese businessmen among various businesses. If they decided to remove the investment, three routes are mostly considered: east to interior land of Mainland China, south to East Asia countries, and east to Taiwan. This thesis also indicates why they do such considerations. 2008 Taiwan Presidential Election rotated ruling party. KMT Ma government restarts the interaction with Mainland China and takes advantage of ice-breaking timing to offer favorable policies to attract Taiwanese businessmen to return to Taiwan. The execution of Law of The People’s Republic of China on Employment Contracts also affects the move of Taiwanese businessmen and the mode of business operation.

This master’s thesis will thoroughly analyze the discourse that is the transformation and interaction of the Maoist ideology with the previous Confucian traditions and its importance in institutional spheres of society in contemporary China. The thesis aims to analyze correlations and causations to the aspect of the rise of Maoism from a non-Communist Chinese society highly influenced by Confucian values and traditions to a Maoist dominated Chinese cultural, social, and political landscape. With a comparative discourse analysis and a theoretical framework based on the development and rise of authoritarian ideologies and the correlations ideologies and religions can have interchangeably, the thesis aims to shed light on the aspects of rising authoritarianism and how they influence contemporary Chinese institutions of power. This is indeed of utmost relevance and importance since the Chinese Communist Party under the rule of Xi Jinping now increases its cultural, social, and political influence within the country itself, the greater Chinese speaking world, and on the international stage. The CCP utilizes Confucian centers of learning around the world to strengthen the nation’s political, social, and ideological influence and power monopoly and to spread CCP propaganda through the Confucian centers. In other words, the Confucian philosophy and ideology has had an increasingly more important role in the Chinese political, social, and cultural landscape. The usage of comparative discourse analysis linked to authoritarian development and continuation of authoritarian systems is useful to understand the contemporary Chinese context but also other contexts where religiously linked authoritarian rule has been replaced with a communist or Marxist authoritarian rule based on ideology, such as the case of Imperial Russia and the Soviet Union and the rise of Communism in Eastern Europe after World War II.

Until the 1980s, the People’s Republic of China was principally opposed to United Nations peacekeeping, understanding the institution to be a thinly veiled excuse for powerful states to intervene in the sovereign affairs of others. However, the meaning the country attributes to peacekeeping has changed drastically since then. China has adopted a more pragmatic attitude and has gradually become more supportive and involved in United Nations peacekeeping. Today the country stands as a major contributor to peacekeeping, not least in terms of the number of peacekeepers it contributes to missions. However, how does China make sense of its current behaviour? This paper seeks to understand how the participation of Chinese military personnel and police in peacekeeping operations is made coherent with Chinese self-identity. The paper employs a narrative analysis that focuses on how narratives draw on master narratives about Chinese collective memory to construct participation in peacekeeping as a natural conclusion to already accepted notions about what it means to be Chinese. On the one hand, this paper confirms the findings of previous scholarship on Chinese identity and the country’s attitude on peacekeeping. Like these, this paper finds that China’s self-identity as a part of the Global South and as a great power plays a role in how China conceptualizes peacekeeping. However, on the other hand, the paper also finds dissonance in how the narrative relates peacekeeping to China’s identity as a part of the Global South. Additionally, this paper also demonstrates that the narrative draws on several master narratives that have not previously been identified as important to how China makes meaning of peacekeeping. Specifically, these are the collective memories of ‘Asian values’, China’s experiences from the Second World War, and the revolutionary history of the CPC.

By looking at the reactions of Russian actors regarding the development of the Belt and Road Initiative of the People’s Republic of China in Central and Eastern Europe, this dissertation presents new theoretical and empirical findings that can be used extensively in the fields of Area and Global Studies, as well as practical policymaking. In this context, the Russian Federation’s foreign policy in the region is understood as cumulative activity and strategy developed by the government of Russia regarding the relationship with other countries that are being impacted by multiple internal and external factors. In order to understand a complex relationship between Russian, Chinese, and Central-Eastern European actors, this study employs uniquely created methods focusing on analyzing the reactions of the relevant Russian policymakers, as well as literature, documents, and statistical data. The reactions are also collected via extensive reflection of interviews and primary source material. In this framework, the areas of Russian interests directly related to and operationalized in Central-Eastern Europe are identified, and those affected by the Belt and Road Initiative the most are researched. The study’s results highlight the many discourses and contradictions when contrasting portrayal and perceptions against statistical data. Since none of these areas were analyzed under these circumstances before, many characterizations about the nature of the Initiative, perception of the actors’ behavior, understanding of the positioning of Russia within contemporary geopolitical realities, and many other aspects have been broadened. That leads to a better comprehension of the mechanisms and networks between the companies and political actors based in the Russian Federation, the People's Republic of China, and Central-Eastern Europe, the effects of their interdependencies and relationship, and general international relations. This research demonstrated a tension of interests within the Russian expert community when assigning securitization to the Belt and Road Initiative sections that affect Russia and East-Central Europe. They are recognized as intertwined with internal politics, economics, geopolitical competitiveness, and international strategy and are thus appropriately employed when reacting to and debating them.

本研究分成兩部分，研究對象為中國大陸之上市公司，第一部分以2004至2009年之財務資料，探討2008年中國大陸企業所得稅法之實施對中國大陸上市公司平均有效稅率之影響；第二部分以1998至2009年之財務資料，探討中國大陸上市公司是否為了因應企業所得稅法實施對有效稅率的影響，而從事租稅誘因盈餘管理之行為。 第一部分之實證結果發現，中國大陸上市公司之平均有效稅率在2008年企業所得稅法實施後有顯著的下降，表示中國大陸上市公司之有效稅率隨著名目稅率降低而下降。外資持股比例超過20%之上市公司（定義為外資企業），其2008年後之有效稅率上升，且內外資企業之其平均有效稅率之差異有縮小之趨勢。屬於高科技產業之上市公司在2008年企業所得稅法實施後，其有效稅率並未下降；但與除了農林牧漁業外之其他產業相比，高科技產業之上市公司其有效稅率較低。第二部分之實證結果發現，在2008年有效稅率下降之上市公司，其於2008年後的裁決性應計項目較大，有將盈餘遞延認列之傾向。 / This study consists of two research issues. The first part uses the financial statement and capital structure data of China listed companies from 2004 to 2009, to investigate the effects of the implementation of the Law of the People’s Republic of China on Enterprise Income Tax in 2008(hereafter 2008 Income Tax Law). And the second part which uses the financial and capital structure data of China listed companies from 1998 to 2009 investigates if China listed companies take the action of earnings management in response to the implementation of the 2008 Income Tax Law. The empirical findings of the first part show that the average ETRs of China listed companies declined after the implementation of the 2008 Income Tax Law. The listed companies whose proportion of foreign ownership is above 20% (defined as foreign enterprises) increased ETRs after 2008 and the differences in ETRs between domestic enterprises and foreign enterprises are reduced gradually. Further, the average ETRs of China listed companies of information technology industry do not appear to be decreased after the implementation of the 2008 Income Tax Law. However, besides the agriculture, forestry, herding, fishery industries, listed companies of information technology industries remain to have lower average ETRs after implementation of the 2008 Income Tax Law. The empirical findings of the second part show that China listed companies whose average ETRs decreased in 2008 appeared to have greater discretionary accruals after 2008, suggesting those companies shifting earnings to 2008.

La politique étrangère de la République populaire de Chine est l’objet d’explications doxiques qui, en vertu d’un raisonnement rationaliste positiviste, lui attribuent des visées secrètes, déterminées par des « intérêts » de « sécurité ». L’accession en 2003 de la Chine au rang symbolique de troisième puissance spatiale, après les États-Unis et la Russie, a été présentée par les experts réalistes des Relations internationales comme un témoignage supplémentaire de l’ambiguïté du pouvoir politique chinois quant à son utilisation des technologies militaires dans l’espace extra-atmosphérique. L’objectif de la thèse est de proposer une approche constructiviste de la politique étrangère chinoise en matière de Prévention d’une course aux armements dans l’espace. Il s’agit de reconnaître les sources premières par lesquelles le pouvoir politique chinois fait connaître et évoluer sa position en la matière. Le discours diplomatique produit à Genève par la délégation chinoise auprès de la Conférence du désarmement (CD) entre 1998 et 2009 est le matériau analysé par l’étude. Sa matérialité discursive est instituée dans des documents multiples au travers desquels sont produits des récits en légitimation des normes prescrites par la délégation chinoise ainsi que des représentations problématisées du réel social. La production discursive de normes façonne un ethos idéalisé du pouvoir politique en RPC. Elle est aussi constitutive de stratégies rhétoriques de coercition et de contestation destinées à contraindre la production discursive des délégations des autres États à propos de négociations connexes. Ces stratégies sont à l’origine du « blocage » de la CD depuis 1998. / The People’s Republic of China foreign policy is subject to doxic explanations which, in accordance with a rationalist positivist problem-solving theory, see it as secretly determined by “security interests”. The symbolic world space power rank that China has gained until 2003, behind the United States and Russia, was set out by realist International relations experts as further evidence of Chinese political power ambiguity towards its possible application of military technologies in outer space. The purpose of this research is to put forward a constructivist approach of the Chinese foreign policy related to the Prevention of an arms race in outer space. Primary sources of its position must be identified in order to understand the way the Chinese political power develop it. The Geneva Conference on Disarmament (CD) diplomatic discourse produced by Chinese diplomacy between 1998 and 2009 is the material of the study. The discourse materiality is constituted by working papers and statements through which numerous narratives are produced in order to legitimate norms and to problematize the representations of social reality. Discursive production of international norms shapes an idealized ethos of the political power in People’s Republic of China. Discursive production is also constitutive of coercion and contestation strategies, designed to force the discursive production of the other State members representatives about related negociated issues. Since 1998, these strategies have resulted in the CD deadlock.

教廷與中華民國之外交關係 （一九四二年至二○一二年）: 歷史、挑戰與前景 / Diplomatic relations between the Republic of China (ROC) and the Holy See were established in 1942. However, after a devastating civil war, the Chinese Communists gained control of Mainland China in 1949 and established the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in Beijing. As a consequence, the Nationalist government of the ROC was forced to move from Nanking to Taipei, Taiwan. The Papal representative continued to remain at his post but the Communist government expelled him in 1951. In the following year, the Holy See decided to relocate its Apostolic Nunciature to Taipei and maintain its ties with the ROC. The tensions in the Strait between the two Chinese governments have put the Sino-Vatican relations to several tests. Indeed, the Vatican desires to normalize its relations with the PRC but is also confronted with two major issues imposed by Beijing which requests the direction of the Catholic Church in China and the end of the Holy See’s recognition of Taipei. It would strike a serious blow to Taipei if the Supreme government of the Catholic Church decides to break off diplomatic relations. It will also create a fragile position for Taiwan on the international diplomatic stage since the Holy See, at present, is the only European ally to officially recognize the ROC government. The relations of the Holy See with Taiwan are characterized by a mutually productive and cooperative partnership, especially in the promotion of human rights, culture, world peace and advocacy of religious freedom and alleviation of global poverty. This thesis aims to clarify the triangular situation between the Vatican, the ROC and the PRC and to show the challenges as well as the dilemmas the Holy See is confronted with in order to normalize its relations with China. First, this study explains the international status of the Holy See and its specific mission. Then, through a diachronic analysis, this thesis traces the evolution of Sino-Vatican relations to later on identify the difficulties the Holy See has to face across the Taiwan Strait. Then, it will analyze the efforts of Pope Benedict XVI to initiate a rapprochement with China and all the issues that have to be solved before negotiating any diplomatic ties. Based on this analysis, this thesis will show that the PRC and the Holy See are still at a stalemate and that the Vatican won’t move its Nunciature from Taipei in the foreseeable future.