Submitted by Suelen Reis (suziy.ellen@gmail.com) on 2013-04-17T17:43:24Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Cristiane Santanaseg.pdf: 659170 bytes, checksum: af18fffe0aa2152f253906caf5ae04f8 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rodrigo Meirelles(rodrigomei@ufba.br) on 2013-05-24T11:33:25Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Cristiane Santanaseg.pdf: 659170 bytes, checksum: af18fffe0aa2152f253906caf5ae04f8 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-24T11:33:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Cristiane Santanaseg.pdf: 659170 bytes, checksum: af18fffe0aa2152f253906caf5ae04f8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Este trabalho tem como foco de análise a influência do pensamento de Mao Tsé Tung nas práticas da Ação Popular entre os anos de 1967-1970. Neste período esta organização deu início ao processo de integração dos seus militantes ao trabalho produtivo no campo e nas fábricas no estado da Bahia. A prática da integração na produção tinha inicialmente o objetivo de inserir o militante pequeno burguês no meio operário e camponês para que este conhecesse de perto os problemas dessas classes sociais e através disso promovesse uma reforma em seu pensamento. Porém, a adesão ao maoísmo fez com que a Ação Popular (AP) iniciasse uma revisão nos objetivos da integração, a qual passou a ser interpretada como uma maneira de ampliar as bases do partido no meio operário e camponês visando à realização de um trabalho político no campo e na fábrica. Analisaremos a presença das idéias maoístas na articulação deste processo empreendido pelos militantes da Ação Popular. / Salvador

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(地域研究) / 甲第18399号 / 地博第168号 / 新制||地||56(附属図書館) / 31257 / 京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科グローバル地域研究専攻 / (主査)教授 藤倉 達郎, 教授 田辺 明生, 教授 S. カロライン / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Area Studies / Kyoto University / DGAM

Det gamla Tibet var inget Shangri-La - drömland innan Kinas invasion, år 1950. Det var ett land som styrdes av en feodal överklass, samt präster och munkar men den uppfyllde alla kriterier av en nationalstat. Kinas folksrättslig illegala maktövertagande och den hårda ockupationen som medförde stort lidande för det tibetanska folket måste därför fördömas. Tibet hade en rik och unik kultur, livaktikga buddhistiska traditioner och en fredsfilosofi som låg till grund för tibetanernas icke-våldspolitik. Invasionen och den följande exiltillvaron av Dalai Lamas regering utlöste stora förändringar i tibetanernas samhälle, både till det bättre och till det sämre. Medan situationen för folket i Tibet är allvarlig pga. Kinas ockupationspolitik har tibetanerna i exil lyckats bevara den tibetanska identiteten och samtidigt förvandla den hierokratisk passiva fredskulturen till en modern demokratisk icke-våldsrörelse. Det är denna demokratiprocess som undersöktes i uppsatsen.

This thesis undertakes a study of the modern state in India in the context of counterinsurgency. Through a combination of ethnographic and historical methods, it explores the processes and practices of state formation and legitimacy-building in an erstwhile Maoist guerrilla zone of the eastern Indian state of West Bengal. The colonial and postcolonial histories of this forested region, known popularly as the Jungle Mahals, are punctuated by moments of violent conflict and regime-change. These moments of rupture have tended to periodically reorder the relationships between the modern state and its ordinary subjects. Accordingly, the thesis reconstructs a trajectory of state-society relations in the Jungle Mahals from the early colonial era, when East India Company officials created a modern state apparatus to deal with rural rebellions, to the present, when the Indian government has pursued a 'development' agenda to wean ordinary people away from Maoist rebels. I show that periods of insurgency and counterinsurgency ought to be recognised as critical junctures in the history of the modern state in frontier regions such as the Jungle Mahals. The modern state is made and remade in the course of counterinsurgency as both state and rural society are reordered in tandem from above and below. Hence, I make a case for studying the state, understood as both an idea and a set of material practices, from 'within', that is, as emerging through the mediation of actors who represent the state and ordinary villagers in my fieldsites. Furthermore, through an exploration of ordinary villagers' responses to counterinsurgency in the Jungle Mahals, this thesis argues that popular responses to counterinsurgency cannot be explained through the binaries of resistance and complicity. In other words, it is necessary to examine the complex textures of people's lives and subjectivities vis-à-vis the state during and after counterinsurgencies in order to appreciate how statemaking in such circumstances, far from being a top-down imposition on hapless subjects, emerges from below as well.

L’évolution des attitudes françaises face à la Chine entre 1949 et le milieu des années 1980 peut être divisée en trois phases. Entre l’établissement de la République populaire de Chine en 1949 et la rupture sino-soviétique au début des années 1960, la Chine est perçue par les observateurs français comme un pays communiste soviétisé, tant sur le plan intérieur que sur le plan diplomatique. L’attitude des Français vis-à-vis de cette Chine traduit leurs positionnements dans les confrontations de la guerre froide. La Chine est considérée selon les différents milieux comme un pilier du mouvement communiste international, une alternative plus humaine au communisme soviétique, ou une menace « jaune et rouge » pour l’Occident. Ensuite, pendant la période qui va de 1963 à la fin de la Révolution culturelle en 1976, la Chine n’est plus perçue comme un membre du camp communiste. La rupture sino-soviétique et la Révolution culturelle donnent naissance à l’idée d’un « modèle chinois », même si elle prend des formes différentes selon les observateurs. Pour les uns, la Chine représente l’espoir de la régénération du communisme ; pour les autres, elle applique un système opposé au monde industrialisé et nullement imitable ailleurs. La troisième phase couvre la période de 1976 au milieu des années 1980, pendant laquelle les rapports des Français à la Chine se normalisent. La passion française pour les relations franco-chinoises s’estompe, et les opinions françaises sur la Chine sont devenues plus lucides. / The evolution of French attitudes towards China between 1949 and the mid-1980s can be divided into three phases. Between the establishment of the People's Republic of China in 1949 and the Sino-Soviet split in the early 1960s, China is perceived by French observers as a Sovietized communist country, both domestically and diplomatically. Attitudes of French people towards this China reflect their positions in the confrontations of the Cold War. China is considered in different spheres as a pillar of the international communist movement, a more humane alternative to Soviet communism, or a "yellow and red" threat to the West. Then, during the period from 1963 to the end of the Cultural Revolution in 1976, China is no longer seen as a member of the communist camp. The Sino-Soviet split and the Cultural Revolution give birth to the idea of a "Chinese model", even if it takes different forms according to different observers. For some, China represents the hope of the regeneration of communism; for the others, it applies a system opposed to the industrialized world and not at all imitated elsewhere. The third phase covers the period from 1976 to the mid-1980s, during which the relations between French people and China normalize. France's passion for Franco-Chinese relationship is fading, and French views on China became more lucid.

Este trabalho tem como tema central a atuação do Partido Comunista da Índia (Maoísta) entre os anos de 2007 e 2010, quando este passou por um período de institucionalização e militarização, consolidando-se em termos de inserção popular nas regiões de Dandakaranya e Lalgarh, qualificando seus métodos de combate armado ao Estado indiano. Fundado no ano de 2004, o PCI (Maoísta) é o maior expoente da guerrilha naxalista, um grupo de maoísta revolucionários que combatem o governo na Índia e chegou a ser considerado “a maior ameaça interna do país”, por isso o governo treinou e equipou diferentes forças paramilitares para combater os guerrilheiros. O trabalho está estruturado em quatro capítulos. No primeiro capítulo, foi resgatada a história do comunismo no subcontinente indiano até a criação do movimento naxalista, destacando a trajetória dos maoístas revolucionários e as divergências entre os diferentes grupos surgidos durante os anos 1960 e 1970. No segundo capítulo, são analisados os adivasis, principal grupo social que compõe o Partido, além de revoltas instigadas e apoiadas pelos revoltosos. No terceiro capítulo, são investigadas algumas respostas organizadas pelas forças governamentais em nível estadual e do governo central com o objetivo de deter e derrotar os guerrilheiros. No quarto capítulo, são analisados os conceitos de partido, pois o próprio PCI (Maoísta) se reivindica enquanto partido político e de ideologia, explorada pelos naxalistas para divulgar seus ideais e construir sua rede de apoio. / This work is focused on operation of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) between the years 2007 and 2010, when it passed for a period of institutionalization and militarization, consolidating itself in terms of popular inclusion in the regions of Dandakaranya and Lalgarh, qualifying their methods of armed combat to the Indian State. Founded in 2004, the CPI (Maoist) is the greatest exponent of the naxalite guerrilla, a group of revolutionary Maoist fighting the government in India and came to be considered “the greatest internal threat of the country”, so the government trained and equipped various paramilitary forces to combat the guerrillas. The work is divided into four chapters. In the first chapter was rescued the history of communism in the Indian subcontinent until the creation of naxalite movement, highlighting the history of the revolutionary Maoists and the differences between the different groups that emerged during the 1960s and 1970s. The second chapter analyses the adivasis, main social group that makes the Party, and riots instigated and supported by the rioters. The third chapter investigated some organized response by government forces at the state level and the central government in order to deter and defeat the guerrillas. In the fourth chapter analyses the party concepts, because the CPI (Maoist) itself is claimed as a political party and ideology, exploited by Naxalite to publicize their ideas and build your support network.

Este trabalho tem como tema central a atuação do Partido Comunista da Índia (Maoísta) entre os anos de 2007 e 2010, quando este passou por um período de institucionalização e militarização, consolidando-se em termos de inserção popular nas regiões de Dandakaranya e Lalgarh, qualificando seus métodos de combate armado ao Estado indiano. Fundado no ano de 2004, o PCI (Maoísta) é o maior expoente da guerrilha naxalista, um grupo de maoísta revolucionários que combatem o governo na Índia e chegou a ser considerado “a maior ameaça interna do país”, por isso o governo treinou e equipou diferentes forças paramilitares para combater os guerrilheiros. O trabalho está estruturado em quatro capítulos. No primeiro capítulo, foi resgatada a história do comunismo no subcontinente indiano até a criação do movimento naxalista, destacando a trajetória dos maoístas revolucionários e as divergências entre os diferentes grupos surgidos durante os anos 1960 e 1970. No segundo capítulo, são analisados os adivasis, principal grupo social que compõe o Partido, além de revoltas instigadas e apoiadas pelos revoltosos. No terceiro capítulo, são investigadas algumas respostas organizadas pelas forças governamentais em nível estadual e do governo central com o objetivo de deter e derrotar os guerrilheiros. No quarto capítulo, são analisados os conceitos de partido, pois o próprio PCI (Maoísta) se reivindica enquanto partido político e de ideologia, explorada pelos naxalistas para divulgar seus ideais e construir sua rede de apoio. / This work is focused on operation of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) between the years 2007 and 2010, when it passed for a period of institutionalization and militarization, consolidating itself in terms of popular inclusion in the regions of Dandakaranya and Lalgarh, qualifying their methods of armed combat to the Indian State. Founded in 2004, the CPI (Maoist) is the greatest exponent of the naxalite guerrilla, a group of revolutionary Maoist fighting the government in India and came to be considered “the greatest internal threat of the country”, so the government trained and equipped various paramilitary forces to combat the guerrillas. The work is divided into four chapters. In the first chapter was rescued the history of communism in the Indian subcontinent until the creation of naxalite movement, highlighting the history of the revolutionary Maoists and the differences between the different groups that emerged during the 1960s and 1970s. The second chapter analyses the adivasis, main social group that makes the Party, and riots instigated and supported by the rioters. The third chapter investigated some organized response by government forces at the state level and the central government in order to deter and defeat the guerrillas. In the fourth chapter analyses the party concepts, because the CPI (Maoist) itself is claimed as a political party and ideology, exploited by Naxalite to publicize their ideas and build your support network.

Este trabalho tem como tema central a atuação do Partido Comunista da Índia (Maoísta) entre os anos de 2007 e 2010, quando este passou por um período de institucionalização e militarização, consolidando-se em termos de inserção popular nas regiões de Dandakaranya e Lalgarh, qualificando seus métodos de combate armado ao Estado indiano. Fundado no ano de 2004, o PCI (Maoísta) é o maior expoente da guerrilha naxalista, um grupo de maoísta revolucionários que combatem o governo na Índia e chegou a ser considerado “a maior ameaça interna do país”, por isso o governo treinou e equipou diferentes forças paramilitares para combater os guerrilheiros. O trabalho está estruturado em quatro capítulos. No primeiro capítulo, foi resgatada a história do comunismo no subcontinente indiano até a criação do movimento naxalista, destacando a trajetória dos maoístas revolucionários e as divergências entre os diferentes grupos surgidos durante os anos 1960 e 1970. No segundo capítulo, são analisados os adivasis, principal grupo social que compõe o Partido, além de revoltas instigadas e apoiadas pelos revoltosos. No terceiro capítulo, são investigadas algumas respostas organizadas pelas forças governamentais em nível estadual e do governo central com o objetivo de deter e derrotar os guerrilheiros. No quarto capítulo, são analisados os conceitos de partido, pois o próprio PCI (Maoísta) se reivindica enquanto partido político e de ideologia, explorada pelos naxalistas para divulgar seus ideais e construir sua rede de apoio. / This work is focused on operation of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) between the years 2007 and 2010, when it passed for a period of institutionalization and militarization, consolidating itself in terms of popular inclusion in the regions of Dandakaranya and Lalgarh, qualifying their methods of armed combat to the Indian State. Founded in 2004, the CPI (Maoist) is the greatest exponent of the naxalite guerrilla, a group of revolutionary Maoist fighting the government in India and came to be considered “the greatest internal threat of the country”, so the government trained and equipped various paramilitary forces to combat the guerrillas. The work is divided into four chapters. In the first chapter was rescued the history of communism in the Indian subcontinent until the creation of naxalite movement, highlighting the history of the revolutionary Maoists and the differences between the different groups that emerged during the 1960s and 1970s. The second chapter analyses the adivasis, main social group that makes the Party, and riots instigated and supported by the rioters. The third chapter investigated some organized response by government forces at the state level and the central government in order to deter and defeat the guerrillas. In the fourth chapter analyses the party concepts, because the CPI (Maoist) itself is claimed as a political party and ideology, exploited by Naxalite to publicize their ideas and build your support network.

Ce travail s’intéresse au parcours d’une femme chinoise exceptionnelle, Yuding, née en 1928 en Chine. Il interroge la manière dont elle a pu assimiler des modèles de vie, de parenté, et d’alliance, totalement paradoxaux, en traversant des époques incroyablement contrastées – début de la République, guerre avec le Japon, guerre civile, période révolutionnaire, société socialiste, et aujourd’hui le temps de la mondialisation. Yuding, âgée aujourd’hui de 87 ans, a gardé sa foi dans l’aventure de la Chine maoïste, malgré au fond d’elle les blessures de cette période violente. Née dans une grande famille rompue à l’orthopraxie confucéenne (ritualité, morale, culte des ancêtres), elle subit ensuite l’influence d’un autre « formatage » : celui du maoïsme et de sa doctrine révolutionnaire. Très vite l’idéologie traditionnelle de « piété filiale » transmise par ses parents fait place à une autre forme de dévouement total au Parti communiste. Militante passionnée dès la Libération, elle mène une vie active au sein de la Fédération des Femmes. Interprète en langue française, elle est amenée à voyager tant en Europe qu’en Afrique, à une époque où bien peu de gens sortaient du territoire chinois. Pourtant, en tant qu’intellectuelle, elle est envoyée en 1968, dans un camp de travail « l’École du Sept mai » ce qui n’entame en rien son adhésion inconditionnelle à l’idéologie du Parti. Bientôt il n’y aura plus de personnes de sa génération, pionnières dans la construction de la République populaire de Chine, pour témoigner de cette époque. Sa biographie témoigne de ce vécu exceptionnel. / This work deals with the life of an exceptional Chinese woman, Yuding, who was born in 1928 in China. It questions the way she has taken up totally paradoxical ways of life, kinship, and union, while living through incredibly uneven times - the beginning of the Republican era, the Second Sino-Japanese war, the civil war, the revolutionary era, the socialist society, and the current globalization. Yuding, presently 87, has kept faith in the venture proposed by the Maoist China, despite underlying wounds left by this violent period. Born in a leading family broken in to Confucian orthopraxy (rituality, morality, worship of the ancestors), Yuding then undergoes the influence of another “formatting” this of Maoism and its revolutionary doctrine. Very quickly, the traditional ideology of “filial devotion” passed on by her parents makes way for complete devotion to the Communist Party. Passionate activist from the Liberation, she leads an active life within the Women's Federation. French interpreter, she is brought round to traveling as much in Europe as in Africa, at a period during which very few persons were going out China. Yet, being an intellectual, she is sent to a labour camp “School of the Seventh of May” in 1968, but she doesn't lose her unquestioning adherence to the Party ideology. There soon won't be anybody from her generation, who was pioneer in the building of the People's Republic of China, to give accounts of this era. Her biography is a testimony of this exceptional experience.

After Chairman Mao's death, in the late 1980's, Mao was removed from official government communications and his iconography transformed from having a specific meaning generation role linked to Maoist ideology, to becoming available for use as a commodity. In this research I use cultural theorist Jacques Derrida's theory of Hauntology and the deconstruction method to analyse a representative Chinese Propaganda poster, "Melody of Youth, Beautiful Soul", in order to ascertain the effect Mao's death had on the Iconography of Chairman Mao, and how Mao is ideologically transformed during this period. Analysing the painting I found specific symbols associated with the iconography of Mao that had been adopted and transformed for the purposes of the CCP. These symbols both suggested the presence of Chairman Mao, as well as negated that presence through being co-opted for other purposes. Using these symbols and writings about the period I deduced that during this period the CCP had to rely on existing symbols of power and authority in order to communicate and legitimise regime change whilst maintaining the semblance of continuity. At the same time they had to decouple these symbols from their original meanings in order to distance themselves from the past and redefine the ideology of China. In the process, Mao's iconography was decoupled from its Maoist ideological heritage and transformed into abstract symbols of power, doctrine and so on. This means that the transformation had made them available to use as an "open basket" into which new, related meanings could be placed – including serving as a commodity. / 中文摘要:毛主席是中国历史上最有名的文化偶像之一。他的思想是中国共产党的根本基础。作为一个偶像，毛泽东在中国现代文化中是一个很重要的象征意义成分，代表着权力、中国共产党、毛泽东思想等等。 在八十年代，当毛主席死后，毛泽东作为偶像在宣传画中逐渐消失，同时也被商品化了。为了解释毛泽东作为文化偶像的影响,以及毛泽东思想在此时期的转变，本文会运用文化理论家雅克·德里达的?幽灵学?（Hauntology)和解构主义学的方法，对一具代表性的宣传画《青春的旋律，优美的心灵》进行分析。 通过分析，我们可以发现一些与毛主席有关的符号,例如：书，原子符号，光等等。这些与毛主席有关的符号，为了满足中国共产党的宣传目的，已经被转变了。而由于这些符号与毛主席有关，它们便意味着毛主席仍存在于文本中，但是因为这些符号被转变了，他们也意味着毛主席在文本中的缺席。 分析这段时间所使用的这些符号，以及阅读关于?四个现代化?的文章， 我发现，在?四化?时期，为了传达政权转换的合法性，以及保持其政权连续性的假象，不得不依靠已经存在的政治符号。同时为了把实用主义放在政治理论的核心中， 他们也要从旧的思想限制中解放出来，所以他们需要把某些与毛泽东有关的符指从符征里分离出来。 在过程中，偶像毛泽东转变成一种开架商品，各种意识形态都可以藉由毛泽东来贩卖。