2000及2004年總統大選結果，均由民進黨贏得選舉取得執政權，但中央政府的立法權卻一直由國民黨、親民黨等組成的在野聯盟所掌控，形成中央層級的「分立政府」狀態。本研究透過議程阻絕的觀點，嘗試比較一致政府時期與分立政府時期對於國會立法行為有無不同的差異影響存在，研究時間自1993年至2007年(第2屆至第6屆第4會期立法院)，並以程序委員會審定議程作為研究分析對象，希望藉由實證分析來探究：我國國會受到分立政府運作之影響，是否較容易產生行政立法僵局、政策停滯的現象？同時進一步分析那些議案無法排入議程進行審查或討論？ 本研究首先針對程序委員會審定議程時，出現的表決與阻絕議案的情形，作為瞭解一致政府時期與分立政府時期是否具有顯著差異；其次，針對停滯在程序委員會的議案進行內容分析；最後，選擇引起社會大眾關注的重大議案作深入的質性探討。經由實證分析結果發現：分立政府時期，國會係由在野(多數)黨主導立法議程的安排、程序委員會的角色與功能亦由配合行政部門推動立法轉變為抵制者，且因為政黨競爭激烈，常引起朝野政黨的對峙、衝突與僵局，因而造成嚴重的立法滯塞、政策遲延、以及施政責任難以歸責等問題。可見得，我國中央分立政府運作對於國會立法之影響，對照於美國學界的研究結果，較傾向以Sundquist為首的傳統學派所主張的論點。 為改善我國中央分立政府運作的負面影響，本論文認為當務之急即是要避免議程阻絕的發生，並分別從法制面、運作面、策略面及政治面提出本文看法與建議。最後，並指出具體的研究分析對象和測量指標，俾供未來相關研究者參酌，以逐步累積、建構更為完整的分立政府理論。 關鍵詞：一致政府、分立政府、議程阻絕、程序委員會、審定議程、僵局、滯塞、遲延 / Both in the 2000 and 2004 presidential election,the Democratic Progressive Party won the presidency and gained the execution,however,legislation of government still controlled by the coalition of the KMT and PFP, became the conditions of the center level of divided government. This study tries to compare the different impact on legislation between the period of unified government and divided government since 1993-2007(from second to the fourth sess of the sixth Legislative Yuan) through the focus on the perspective of agenda obstruction,and the major agenda markup of the Procedure Committee in the Legislative Yuan.The goal is explored by the evidence analysis under the influence of the operation of divided government,whether our Congress produces the appearance that execution and legislation gridlock and policy stalemate easier or not ? Furthermore, find out and analysis which bills can’t access the agenda to markup or discuss? First, the research aim at the appearance of voting and obstruct of the bills when the procedure committee markup the agenda. In order to know whether there are major differences between the period of unified government and divided government or not; Second , the research will analysis the content of bills that stalemate in the procedure committee; Finally, the research chooses the important themes of the public’s concern, and studies through discussion.Through this study,we find results by the evidence analysis:the opposition parties（the majorities）in Congress can predominate the agenda of legislation in the period of divided government,the role and the function of the procedure committee changes from advancing to resisting for cooperating with Executive departments,and by reason of these parties compete intensely,which often produces the confrontation , conflict and deadlock between ruling and opposition parties, therefore, it lead to these serious questions such as legislation stalemate,policy delay, and accountability. Comparing to researchs of American academic circle,we find impacts on the legislation of Congress of divided government operation are more close to the conventional claims of Sundquist’s mainpoints. In order to mend bad effects by the divided government operation,we think the most urgent thing is to avoid the happening of agenda obstruction. This research also proposes many opinions and suggestions from the legal aspects, the operation aspects, the strategy aspects and the political aspects. Finally, I want to point out the concrete research analysis object and the survey target for other scholars to refer, and then, to accumulate, to construct more complete theory of divided government. Key words :Unified government,Divided government,Agenda obstruction,Procedure Committee,Agenda markup,Gridlock,Stalemate,Delay

過去一般認為，土地供給是固定不變，故價格彈性為零。這樣的思考方式背後隱含需求面才是不動產市場的主導力量，因此土地供給面往往被忽略。不動產僵局的議題近年來不斷出現在世界各國，臺灣社會也不例外。由此觀之，都市住宅供給過程中，似乎不完全由市場需求面主導，尤其都市進入成熟發展階段後，土地供給面的重要程度更應該被突顯。故本研究從供給角度出發，並認為土地面積和產權在都市住宅供給過程中，可能扮演關鍵的角色。透過本研究提出之二維向度分析，也確實發現開發難度和住宅區開發量間存在一定的負向關係，為後續迴歸分析的立論基礎。市場力量或政府力量是否能克服基地面積過小和產權複雜問題，亦是本研究關注之重點。 利用臺北市民國94年到103年的使用執照和拆除執照，以里為分析單元，計算臺北市各里住宅區的樓地板面積淨增加率，並觀察其在空間上之高低分布。影響樓地板面積淨增加率的因素除包含土地面積和產權因素，亦應包括總體因素，區位與政策因素。一般迴歸模型和空間迴歸模型之實證結果顯示：各里中住宅供給多寡主要受到總體因素影響。此外，劃定都市更新地區之政策亦具有吸引建築投資之效果。然而土地面積並非是影響住宅供給之關鍵因素。但本研究進一步發現，在相同條件之下，產權單純對於住宅開發供給多寡的差異，因臺北市區位而有不同，住宅開發供給量由多至少依序為早期發展區、郊區和市中心。且在早期發展地區，產權越複雜的里比起產權較單純的里，住宅供給確實有較少的趨勢，顯示土地產權仍然在臺北市部分地區，造成開發上的問題。 / It is understood that land supply is fixed and the price elasticity is zero, which implies that the side of demand is the dominant force in the real estate market. Because of this the supply side of land is often ignored. The issues of gridlock of real estate development are emerging in recent years worldwide, and Taiwan is no exception. In these instances the market does not seem entirely dominated by demand in the process of housing supply. Especially in cities which have entered a mature stage of development, the importance of land supply should be highlighted. This study is taking the perspective of supply and considering that lot size and land property key roles in the process of housing supply. Throughout this study, we proposed a two-dimensional analysis and indeed found that there was a negative relationship between development difficulty and the amount of residential development, which was the theoretical basis for the subsequent regression analysis. Whether market force or government force can overcome the problems of small lot size and complex land property was also a focus of attention in this study. We used Building Use Permit and Demolition Permit from the year2005 to2014 in Taipei and the analysis units were individual neighborhoods. We calculate net increasing rate of floor area in residential sections of Taipei and observe its distribution in space. Factors affecting net increasing rate of floor area in residential sections include lot size and ownership factors, as well as general factors, region and policy factors. According to ordinary least squares (OLS) and spatial regression, the empirical results show that housing supply in each neighborhood in Taipei is dominated by general factors. In addition, the policy of the delineated renewal areas has the effect of attracting construction investment. However, the lot size was not a key factor in the process of housing supply. Furthermore, the study found that under simple land property conditions, housing supply discrepancies over location in Taipei and supplied quantity in order was the old core, periphery and center. And in the old core, compared to the neighborhoods of simple land property, the housing supply in neighborhoods of complex land property has a decreasing trend which reveals that land property is still causing development problems in parts of Taipei.

公司法之臨時管理人制度係為因應董事會無法行使職權，將致公司有受損害之虞，考量股東權益之保障以及交易秩序之維護，由司法機關介入，為公司選任臨時管理人，以暫時代行董事會及董事長職權。然在實務運作面上，臨時管理人除了作為董事缺位、公司內部因股權結構或董事派別因素所致無法決定事務等困境之解決手段外，尚有藉由選任臨時管理人以遂行法律或訴訟程序，或在公司經營權爭奪之時作為穩定局勢之用，亦有將之視為拯救董事會嚴重瀆職之方式。另一方面，在構成要件之解釋上，則多以該規定之立法說明為依歸。惟細究臨時管理人制度，其本質為司法介入公司自治領域，故在適用前提上應更為審慎。 本文以美國模式作為我國選任臨時管理人之實質要件與權限責任的參考對象，將股東自治可能性視為現行法下是否適用臨時管理人制度之重要前提。具體類型則包括股東僵局、董事僵局以及董事遭禁止行使職權之定暫時狀態假處分等「董事會不能行使職權」之事由；至於「董事會不為行使職權」之事由，則需考量我國臨時管理人之制度功能有無包括債務清理、重建功能，以及選任臨時管理人之同時是否將與現任董事間造成權限重疊問題。此外，就「致公司有受損害之虞」之要件，本文嘗試提出幾項判準茲以適用。至於臨時管理人之權限，基於其暫時性代行職權之性質，應作目的性限縮解釋，相對地，就其義務及責任內容亦應有所調整。 末以，我國公司法臨時管理人制度之規範不足，相關之修正聲浪未曾停歇。本文建議加入股東自治可能之選任要件，並賦予法院裁定准許臨時管理人採取打破公司僵局或防止公司受損等必要行為之權限，同時將臨時管理人之地位明文化，並規範其對公司、第三人所應負之責任程度。此外，尚將其報酬請求權之基礎及決定方式一併明定，最後，關於解任臨時管理人之程序及效力，則依董事會是否得以行使職權分別提出立法建議。

本論文研究渥雷‧索因卡《死亡與國王的侍衛長》一劇，以及本劇對約魯巴（Yoruba）人孤注一擲抵制西化卻徒勞無功的境遇所做的關注。本劇改編真實歷史，重演一九四五年在奈及利亞奧約（Oyo）城發生的動亂。當時應舉行侍衛長（Horseman）自殺儀式，然而英國殖民者以武力中斷。本劇一方面解釋這個儀式在約魯巴社會的重要性，另一方面揭露侍衛長心不甘情不願了結生命，並斷言活人獻祭這類殘忍的傳統必然要革除，特別是在因英國殖民而致的動盪時刻。 / 論文分為四個章節，依據米哈依爾‧巴赫汀（Mikhail Bakhtin）的時空型（chronotope）理論，探究《死亡與國王的侍衛長》其社會歷史背景與戲劇表演手法。第一章介紹作者和劇本，並回顧評論，以及說明接下來討論的議題和理論架構。第二章分析文本與現實世界相互輝映的關係。艾瑞克‧霍布斯邦（Eric Hobsbawm）在〈發明傳統〉（"Inventing Traditions"）的見解用以闡明傳統是因時制宜的產物。比爾‧阿希克洛夫特（Bill Ashcroft）等三人提出的後殖民典型，有助於瞭解約魯巴人為了阻擋外來影響竭力奮戰，儘管殖民政府的干預相當強勢。第三章詮釋劇中人物的性格特徵，以弗朗茲‧法農（Frantz Fanon）告誡不可畫地自限的觀點為鑑。無法順應社會變異因此冥頑不靈的人，失去了看世界的洞察力。而那些猶豫不決者，為了遵從老一套的價值觀，受煎熬得筋疲力盡。第四章總結本文，認為本劇主張靈活性和果斷力以進行改變。 / This thesis studies Wole Soyinka's Death and the King's Horseman and its concerns for the Yoruba people's desperate but futile resistance to Westernization. Adapted from a real historical event, this play reenacts the disturbance in the Oyo city of Nigeria in 1945, when the ritual of the Horseman's suicide was interrupted by the British colonial force. While the play explains the importance of the ritual in the Yoruba society, it reveals the Horseman's reluctance to end his life and asserts that cruel tradition like human immolation must be reformed especially at the fluctuating moment caused by the British colonization. / Consisting of four chapters, this thesis relies on Mikhail Bakhtin's chronotope to explore the socio-historical context and theatrical representation of Death and the King's Horseman. Chapter one introduces the dramatist and the play, reviews critical opinions, and illustrates the purpose and theoretical framework of the following discussion. Chapter Two, which analyzes the interrelationship between textual and actual worlds, adopts Eric Hobsbawm's "Inventing Traditions" to clarify tradition as produced according to specific circumstances. The postcolonial models proposed by Ashcroft et al helps understand the Yoruba people's struggle for no foreign impact despite powerful intervention by the colonial government. Chapter Three interprets the roles' characterization with the aid of Frantz Fanon's warning of self-confinement. Unable to adjust to social variances, the obstinate people blind their vision of the world, while those procrastinating become dead exhausted by difficult conformity to old values. Chapter Four concludes that this play argues for resilience and resolution to make difference.

教廷與中華民國之外交關係 （一九四二年至二○一二年）: 歷史、挑戰與前景 / Diplomatic relations between the Republic of China (ROC) and the Holy See were established in 1942. However, after a devastating civil war, the Chinese Communists gained control of Mainland China in 1949 and established the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in Beijing. As a consequence, the Nationalist government of the ROC was forced to move from Nanking to Taipei, Taiwan. The Papal representative continued to remain at his post but the Communist government expelled him in 1951. In the following year, the Holy See decided to relocate its Apostolic Nunciature to Taipei and maintain its ties with the ROC. The tensions in the Strait between the two Chinese governments have put the Sino-Vatican relations to several tests. Indeed, the Vatican desires to normalize its relations with the PRC but is also confronted with two major issues imposed by Beijing which requests the direction of the Catholic Church in China and the end of the Holy See’s recognition of Taipei. It would strike a serious blow to Taipei if the Supreme government of the Catholic Church decides to break off diplomatic relations. It will also create a fragile position for Taiwan on the international diplomatic stage since the Holy See, at present, is the only European ally to officially recognize the ROC government. The relations of the Holy See with Taiwan are characterized by a mutually productive and cooperative partnership, especially in the promotion of human rights, culture, world peace and advocacy of religious freedom and alleviation of global poverty. This thesis aims to clarify the triangular situation between the Vatican, the ROC and the PRC and to show the challenges as well as the dilemmas the Holy See is confronted with in order to normalize its relations with China. First, this study explains the international status of the Holy See and its specific mission. Then, through a diachronic analysis, this thesis traces the evolution of Sino-Vatican relations to later on identify the difficulties the Holy See has to face across the Taiwan Strait. Then, it will analyze the efforts of Pope Benedict XVI to initiate a rapprochement with China and all the issues that have to be solved before negotiating any diplomatic ties. Based on this analysis, this thesis will show that the PRC and the Holy See are still at a stalemate and that the Vatican won’t move its Nunciature from Taipei in the foreseeable future.