2008年，作為大陸勞資關係領域最重要的一部法律，「中華人民共和國勞動合同法」正式實施，這部法律將重構大陸勞資關係，影響到產業投資等實體經濟領域，並對社會關係、政治進程產生明顯影響。雖然，「勞動合同法」的意義在大陸官方被極力宣揚，但其在民間卻獲得兩種不同的聲音。普通勞動者以及他們的代言人均高度贊揚這部法律的救濟作用，將扭轉普通勞動者目前的弱勢地位；而企業主、資方代表和他們的擁護者則嚴厲批評法律的矯枉過正的做法，聲稱對勞動者的過度保護將極度損害企業投資方的利益，也有可能造成勞動者的惰性，實際上是一種不當保護，最後將會造成勞動者和企業主的雙輸局面。 因此本文的主要目的就在於通過對勞動合同的立法背景、理由、主要內容的梳理，探討新頒「勞動合同法」對企業微觀經營管理、人力資源管理實務以及宏觀的營運戰略的影響，並提出筆者的建議。構成本文的主體內容將包括四個部分，即背景、內容、影響與應對策略。在背景部分，將主要闡述新頒「勞動合同法」的立法背景及社會政治經濟環境等內容，了解「勞動合同法」的立法理由和目的。隨後，將著重分析「勞動合同法」相對於以前的「勞動法」在規範勞動關係方面的重要變化和其主要內容。在第三部分，將是為應對「勞動合同法」企業人力資源管理實務方面進行的調整。當然這種調整會對企業的多方面造成影響，因此在詳細評估這種影響後，本文提出了企業經營管理三種策略調整模式：「改革模式」、「創新模式」和「保守模式」，並認為台資企業目前可以選擇的是改革和創新模式。

本文所稱「海事留置權」，係指兩岸海商法、台灣民法、大陸擔保法與合同法及兩岸其他特別法所定，與廣義海事上有關之船、貨和其他動產之留置權而言。詳言之，海事留置權之種類包括：依台灣民法物權編留置權章及大陸擔保法留置章取得之留置權、建造或修繕船舶人之船舶留置權、運送人或承攬運送人之貨物留置權、運送人或船長對於未清償共同海損分擔額之貨物留置權、船舶出租人之留置權、承拖人對被拖物之留置權、救助人對獲救船舶、貨物及其他財產之留置權、倉庫營業人之留置權、行紀人之留置權、信託法之留置權。有鑒於台灣民法物權編修正草案已作大幅度之增修，近年來大陸又積極推動研訂統一民法典工作，並已審訂通過民法（草案）其中第二編物權法（草案）部分之第二次審議稿，且大陸亦有學者對其海商法作出修改建議，值此新舊過渡現行法理論與實務多所歧異之際，藉機綜合研析，並作兩岸擔保物權領域的法制與實務之比較，此外，將來兩岸開放三通後，日後涉及債權擔保之民事事項與海事事項勢必與日俱增，船、貨留置之事件，亦將層出不窮，兩岸法院、仲裁機構、法學專家及人民適用彼岸地區規定之情形尤當頻繁，此時以兩岸海事留置權為中心，就可能衍生之相關實體與程序問題，予以深入比較探討，並發表所見，期能有助於國人就此一論題之瞭解，兼可供作兩岸法學研究、司法實務及立法之參考，此乃本文研究之主要目的。茲說明本論文之主要章節架構如次： 第一章 緒論 本章乃就研究本論題之動機、範圍與方法作一說明。 第二章 兩岸海事留置權之取得 本章首先就海事留置權之意義與海事留置權之種類予以概述後，再就依一般規定取得之海事留置權，其成立之積極要件與消極要件加以說明，接著就非依一般規定取得之海事留置權，其成立所須具備之要件按各種海事留置權分款予以析述。以上論點並就兩岸之異同為比較。 第三章 兩岸海事留置權之效力與消滅 本章就海事留置權之效力，按海事留置權對債權之擔保效力、海事留置權對留置物之支配力及海事留置權對留置權人之約束力分項予以論述，最後則就海事留置權之消滅略作說明。以上論點並就兩岸之異同為比較。 第四章 兩岸海事留置權之實行 本章分別就台灣與大陸關於海事留置權實行之條件、海事留置權實行之方法及海事留置權實行之程序予以論述，並作兩岸法制比較，以明其實行之條件、方法及程序之異同。 第五章 涉彼岸海事留置權爭議處理及認可執行之法律適用 本章分別就台灣及大陸對涉及彼岸海事留置權爭議處理之法律適用，及相互對在彼岸取得拍賣留置物之裁判或仲裁判斷等執行名義為認可執行之法律適用予以論述，以明就涉及彼岸海事留置權爭議處理之準據法，及相互認可彼岸執行名義並予執行之法律依據。 第六章 建議（代結論） 本章綜合研究所得，對於兩岸關於海事留置權及相關法制規範，以及學者之理解或司法實務所持見解，認為有欠妥適之處，提出檢討，並作出立法、修法或變更見解之建議方案，以代結論，俾有助於兩岸海事留置權及相關法制規範與解釋之修正與完善。 關鍵字：海事留置權、船舶留置權、貨物留置權、人保物保責任平等說、物保責任優先說、中華人民共和國海事訴訟特別程序法、中華人民共和國拍賣法、區際法律衝突、區際私法、民事確定裁判與仲裁判斷之認可執行、船舶優先權催告程序、臺灣地區與大陸地區人民關係條例。

教廷與中華民國之外交關係 （一九四二年至二○一二年）: 歷史、挑戰與前景 / Diplomatic relations between the Republic of China (ROC) and the Holy See were established in 1942. However, after a devastating civil war, the Chinese Communists gained control of Mainland China in 1949 and established the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in Beijing. As a consequence, the Nationalist government of the ROC was forced to move from Nanking to Taipei, Taiwan. The Papal representative continued to remain at his post but the Communist government expelled him in 1951. In the following year, the Holy See decided to relocate its Apostolic Nunciature to Taipei and maintain its ties with the ROC. The tensions in the Strait between the two Chinese governments have put the Sino-Vatican relations to several tests. Indeed, the Vatican desires to normalize its relations with the PRC but is also confronted with two major issues imposed by Beijing which requests the direction of the Catholic Church in China and the end of the Holy See’s recognition of Taipei. It would strike a serious blow to Taipei if the Supreme government of the Catholic Church decides to break off diplomatic relations. It will also create a fragile position for Taiwan on the international diplomatic stage since the Holy See, at present, is the only European ally to officially recognize the ROC government. The relations of the Holy See with Taiwan are characterized by a mutually productive and cooperative partnership, especially in the promotion of human rights, culture, world peace and advocacy of religious freedom and alleviation of global poverty. This thesis aims to clarify the triangular situation between the Vatican, the ROC and the PRC and to show the challenges as well as the dilemmas the Holy See is confronted with in order to normalize its relations with China. First, this study explains the international status of the Holy See and its specific mission. Then, through a diachronic analysis, this thesis traces the evolution of Sino-Vatican relations to later on identify the difficulties the Holy See has to face across the Taiwan Strait. Then, it will analyze the efforts of Pope Benedict XVI to initiate a rapprochement with China and all the issues that have to be solved before negotiating any diplomatic ties. Based on this analysis, this thesis will show that the PRC and the Holy See are still at a stalemate and that the Vatican won’t move its Nunciature from Taipei in the foreseeable future.

本研究的目的在於分析國家認同(身分)，對於中國和臺灣之間所謂「國與國」關係的影響。兩岸關係的和暖始於１９７０及１９８０年代末期開始的「自由化」與「民主化」過程，這提供了雙方交流的機會，特別是在１９８７年中華民國政府開放經貿和民間交流，如一般民眾赴大陸探親。更重要的是，當臺灣的一黨專政消逝後，臺灣人民以民主改革重塑了政治環境，而這種民主改革也使臺灣政治產生了新的變化。 本研究認為，就「自由化」與「民主化」的過程而言，不僅是甚於政權的移轉，而且也包括某些政治之外的因素改變了意識形態，最明顯的因素即是經濟。自從１９７９年兩岸的軍事衝突結束後，雖然雙方並未建立有效且特久的和平機制，但在此時期，兩岸都經歷了一些社會自由化及著重經濟發展的政策變化。本文將透過三個焦點問題以理解「自由化」、「民主化」與兩岸之間的關係： i.兩岸於１９７０年代後期及１９８０年代，在個別強人領導之下，國家認同（身分）的影響為何？ ii.這些發展在兩個中國實體的內部如何影響兩岸關係？ iii.未來兩岸如何調整政策以促進和暖的局勢？ 本文將採用溫特的社會建構論做為研究的理論框架，亦即建構主義中的三個Ｉ：認同（身分）、利益和制度。以社會建構論應用在兩岸關係上是有其意義的，同時也顧及了國際關係理論做為一種積累式學科的特殊性。根據社會建構論指出，國家認同（身分）是透過文化規則以塑造，如１９８０年代臺灣人民對於民主的認知，及１９７０年代之後中國自由化的過程，都是其政治文化的一部分。因此，國家認同（身分）在以利益為驅動的國際關係下，必須以「國與國」的關係所取代。本文將以１９７０－８０年代兩岸關係做為案列，解釋國家認同（身分）在「國與國」的關係中的使用。 / The purpose of this study is to examine the effect of the state identity in the state-to-state relations of mainland China and Taiwan. Following the ‘liberalization’ process on the mainland in the late 1970s and Taiwan’s ‘democratization’ of the 1980s, a thawing of relations between the PRC and the ROC was effected. The subsequent exchange between both sides of the Taiwan Strait has included such important changes as the ROC government’s lifting of travel and trade-related restrictions to mainland China in 1987. More importantly, when one-party rule was lifted the people of Taiwan were given the chance to shape the political landscape with the help of democratic reforms which gave a new substance to the political nature of the exchange. The focal point of this study will be the argument that the ‘democratization’ and the ‘liberalization’ processes on both sides is not only because of the regime change but also the ideological shift caused by a number of extra-political factors, most notably economic factors. Although no effective mechanism for long-lasting peace has been established in Cross-Strait Relations since the end of the militarized disputes between the PRC and the ROC in 1979, this period also witnessed a shift in policy towards social liberalization along with an increased emphasis on economic development on both sides of the Taiwan Strait. I will approach the relationship between ‘democratization’ or ‘liberalization’ and Cross-Strait Relations through three focal questions: i.How has it been the effect of state identity in the late 1970s and 1980s in China and in Taiwan under their respective leaderships? ii.How did these developments within the two Chinese entities affect relations across the Taiwan Strait? iii.How will both sides modify their policies in the future to create circumstances more conducive to reconciliation with the other side? I intend to use Wendt's Social Constructivist theory as the theoretical framework of the research on the basis of “3 I’s of Social Constructivism”, namely ‘Identity, Interest and Institution’. The application of Social Constructivism as an International Relations theory to Cross-Strait Relations aims to be relevant and persuasive considering the ad hoc –event driven– characteristic of International Relations as a discipline being accumulative. In Social Constructivism, state identities shape through the cultural norms, such as the Taiwanese perception of democracy as part of its own political culture in the early 1980s and the liberalization process of China from the late 1970s onwards. The state identity, therefore, makes room for the state-to-state relations under the International Relations driven by the national interest. The effect of the state identity in the state-to-state relations in the case study of Cross-Strait Relations, in the late 1970s and in the late 1980s respectively, will be comprehensively subjected to examination in my research.