Texte remanié de: Diss.--Saint-Louis--Washington University, 1998. / Bibliogr. p. [275]-294.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the impact white affect toward African Americans has on whites' racial policy opinions. The study also identifies the difficulty of measuring affect in the traditional feeling thermometer. Moreover, the study introduces and tests a new method for measuring affect that improves interpersonal comparability of reported affect by anchoring the respondents' self-placements. The study investigates the changes in the relationship between white affect toward African Americans and racial policy opinions of presidential election years between 1964 and 2008. Furthermore, the study tests a new method for measuring affect by having respondents rate where they believe groups representing points on an ordinal scale would belong on the scale. The method allows for an adjustment of the respondents' self-placement in relation to where the respondent places the group. The findings contained here show that affect can be an important predictor of white racial policy opinion and the strength of affect can vary over time. In addition, the measurement of affect can be improved by utilizing anchoring objects in a survey to clarify the ordering of the scale for the respondents, as well as allowing for a reallocation of scores.

No description available.

First Year Composition (FYC) is one of the most important courses for any incoming college student. This course (often designated as English 101) provides students the rhetorical tools to fully engage in critical thinking and writing on the college level. One of the most common methods of organizing FYC is to use a topic as the center of all the reading and writing prompts. The use of outside subject matter to teach FYC is a common practice that is rarely interrogated for its effectiveness. However, the Hairston debate in the early 1990s opened up a public discussion of how FYC should be taught. I am arguing that this debate was never fully resolved. Instead of using this historical moment in our field to discuss how topics impact FYC instruction, the use of topics has continued to be normalized during the last twenty years with little attention given to interrogating what actually happens in a FYC course that focuses on a topic. This dissertation study examines what happens when a controversial theme like race is used as the primary organizing principle of both a day and night FYC course in a metro-St Louis area community college. Using discourse analysis, I analyze student writing to determine how the students' writing is impacting by the subject matter of the course.

The racial diversification of the labor force in the United States has led to numerous studies examining the barriers that people of color experience in the workplace, such as challenges in the advancement to managerial positions (Alcocer Guardado, 2014; Landau, 1995; Maume, 1999; Rosette, Leonardelli, & Phillips, 2008). Research on leadership categorization theory, which posits that individuals use specific attributes to categorize someone as a leader (Lord, Foti, & Phillips, 1982), have also suggested that Whiteness is an attribute for the leader prototype, which negatively affects the perception of people of color as leaders (Rosette et al., 2008). While research has also shown that culturally diverse managers are perceived as more effective when they show cultural adaptation and exhibit American managerial behaviors (Thomas & Ravlin, 1995), there is a lack of research examining the impact of acculturation on leader perception. The current study sought to close some of the gaps in the literature of leader perceptions for people of color by examining the impact and the interplay of acculturation and race on the perception of leaders of color. Participants were asked to rate their perception of a leader (White/French or Latino/Honduran) who was either a third-generation immigrant (high acculturation) or a first-generation immigrant (low acculturation) working as a manager for a non-profit service provider or a financial services provider in the United States. Data for 271 participants was collected using a Qualtrics survey through Amazon Mechanical Turk (MTurk), an Internet marketplace, in order to get a more socioeconomically diverse background sample (Casler, Bickel, & Hackett, 2013). Data were analyzed using MANOVA procedures and the results showed a significant main effect for acculturation level (high acculturation vs. low acculturation) on leader perception. Specifically, highly acculturated leaders were perceived as being more ready for promotion than less acculturated leaders who were equally qualified, regardless of race. The cultural background of highly acculturated leaders was perceived as more valuable for networking, leadership success, and overall company success than the cultural background of less acculturated leaders who were equally qualified, regardless of race. Results suggest there is an implicit preference for employees who are more acculturated being favored for leadership positions, regardless of their race.

Like most whites living on the Pacific Coast during the late nineteenth century, white residents of Astoria, Oregon supported the notion that the Chinese, as a race, were culturally and economically depraved and certainly worthy of exclusion. Nonetheless, Chinese immigrants had a significant presence in Astoria, and while the anti-Chinese attitudes of local whites appeared straightforward, probing on-the-ground race relations reveals that they were actually quite complex. This thesis shows that white Astorians struggled to reconcile a principled stance against the Chinese with the pragmatism of accepting at least a temporary place for them in the community. The variegated roles that the Chinese played in Astoria and their tangible presence in different spheres of town life were recognized, even if only begrudgingly, by white Astorians. Overall, the contradictions that characterized race language and race relations demonstrate that the contours of race in late-nineteenth-century Astoria were multiple, undefined, and constantly negotiated.

No description available.

This study examines the politics of redress in South Africa's private sector and the implication of race based affirmative action for a society in the throes of national reconciliation. Renewed racial classifications to eliminate the legacy of past racism seem to contradict the official state ideology of colour-blind nonracialism. Resentment among some whites on whose skills and loyalty a growing economy also relies, makes affirmative action a most divisive issue. Unlike most other countries in which minorities are targeted, in South Africa a previously disenfranchised majority is the beneficiary of preferential labour policies. Quite distinct from North American quotas for minorities, South African unions aim at transforming the workplace of the undertrained majority, which contrasts with business visions characterised by black advancement in management and ethnic diversity on company boards. However, even this initial window-dressing exercise for political expediency encounters resistance among a colonial establishment that still equates promotion of the previously disadvantaged with lowering standards. The changing discourse about affirmative action is probed through written surveys among two hundred business executives, focus groups, more in-depth personal interviews, and participant observation at selected companies in South Africa between 1992-97. An increased readiness to broaden the recruitment pool emerged among white male executives and would seem to have been triggered by the changed political power relations. This "anticipatory compliance" to potential legislation is justified with different motivations but is still driven by economic considerations rather than moral concerns about past neglect. Keeping up with the "black image" of competitors in securing government contracts or penetrating a township market with higher purchasing power spurs even traditionally conservative firms to vie for black managers. They are poached and head-hunted with generous inducements, at the expense of training the broader spectrum of black workers at a lower level. The unique current South African debate about redress is compared with its historical precedents of Afrikaner job reservation and "civilized labour policies", as well as the international experience with preferential hiring in the US, Canada, India and Malaysia. The recent backlash against affirmative action in the US, together with the assertion of counter-productive effects on beneficiaries, is evaluated against the South African case. The literature is divided as to what extent recipients of affirmative action experience self-doubt and low self-esteem. The label "affirmative action beneficiary" is said to stigmatize minorities not considered as having achieved status on merit. However, the vast majority of recipients of affirmative action probed in this research did not consider themselves passive recipients of company largesse, but instead perceived themselves as having rightly earned their place in the accelerated business training program. Far from victimising themselves by claiming compensatory preferential treatment, the respondents in this sample of black management students proudly insist on their past individual achievements as entitlement to their career. This finding contradicts the conventional wisdom among critics, that appointees on merit differ from affirmative action appointees in their approach to work. While a new rapidly growing black elite who least needs affirmative action, nonetheless benefits most from racial preference policies in senior management, the majority of impoverished and unemployed are not affected by these policies at all. To avoid the danger of racialised competition, a policy of non-racial, class-based affirmative action is suggested as the most feasible way to facilitate reconciliation.

This research argues that the lack of African American women in science careers is the result of a nuanced and complicated process and can only be adequately addressed through consideration of multiple levels of discourse. Specifically, a better understanding of macro level discourses that are present in and circulated through schools and work to position African American girls in ways that are outside of science learning is necessary. This research used a critical ethnographic approach to explore the science experiences of African American middle school girls. Data were collected on the macro (school wide), meso (classroom and after school program), and micro (individual) level. Critical discourse analysis was used to explore what macro-level discourses were circulated at the school, how these discourses impacted the seventh grade science class and after school program, and how individual students negotiated these discourses. Results indicated that the privileged Discourses (identities) in the classroom actually worked to position students outside of science and that a focus on accountability, control, and order, with a lack of discourses of authentic engagement in science, led to students equating a science person with a good student.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / Sport has both uniting and dividing features, often manifesting contradictory outcomes in terms of conflict or co-operation. Sport is a social construct and its role and function depends largely on what society makes of it, and how it is consumed by society. If sport’s potential is to unfold, the dividing features should be guarded against and the desired positive effects must be furthered. The aim of this study is twofold; on the one hand, the study focuses on evaluating the post-apartheid South Africa’s experience, of reconciliation through Sport Intervention Programs (SIPs), and on the other hand, the study explores mechanisms through which sport can serve as a vehicle to integrate racialized South African youth identities with the aim of promoting, reconciliation and integration for change. The study identified 12 Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) that are facilitating grassroots sport initiatives that use sport as a platform to combat social issues in previously marginalised communities of the Western Cape Province, South Africa. Purposive sampling was used to identify12 focus group discussions, consisting of 10participants in each group, ranging from 14-20 years, totaling 100 youth as well as another group of 13 respondents for semi-structured interviews, ranging from 25-68 years old, which include sport managers, coaches/officials, role models, government and UN officials, who contributed to the SIPs and their organizations in different capacities. Both the discussion groups and face-to-face interviews were conducted on a voluntary basis. Thematic content analysis was carried-out to analyse the data. This study explored existing theories, literature, and good intervention practices, and has established the relative interlinkages between sport and peace-building, as pivotal to the ongoing scholarly debates in the field of Sport for Development and Peace (SDP). From the findings, reconciliation and integration through SIPs may require a unique method in the holistic approach for transformation and social change in post-1994. From the findings in this study, the SIPs’ effort and approaches highlighted a number of positive inroads. The majority of the discussion groups and face-to-face interviewees felt the desire to have a united and non-racial South Africa. Within the discussion group, the notion of the ‘Rainbow Nation’ emerged as a ‘counter discourse’, and, a reaction to the apartheid discourse ‘racial segregation’, both discourses found to have impacts on the youth identities. The youth participants also referred as ‘Born Frees’ are still deeply marked by their racialized past, but they also showed a drive to make a different present, and a new future. From the findings, the SIPs foci of learning by doing, such as team cohesion on the field, and peace education off the field were found instrumental in building relationship. Networking, non-violent conflict resolution, and collaboration for shared goals, which reduced, negative perceptions among the South African racialized youth, at personal and relational level. However, the structural and cultural dimensions require multiple changes at all societal levels. The interconnection of the hierarchies of change in relation to the program in-put, out-puts and outcomes, on how the attitudes and behaviours of the individual youth are expected to change by the SIPs, and how these personal changes are sought to change the structural, and cultural practices, within the programme design, monitoring and evaluation of the SIPs were found unclear, and under-developed. The reflexive learning within the current research process postulate that, first, conflict resolution, racial integration and reconciliation within the SIPs endeavors is characterized by a complex set of factors and dynamic forces on the ground such as race relations and social change. As such, a systems approach is necessary to approach this field in comprehensive manner. The present research study shows that a model is required that needs to integrate the various elements in a comprehensive fashion to promote reconciliation, conflict resolution, peace and development. Secondly, the SIPs may serve as a platform and provide contextual mechanism for conflict resolution, and this study discovered that the ‘theory of change approach’ is an effective tool to unpack the change process between the SIPs’ activities and its ultimate goal. Thirdly the genuine effort of SIPs and its NGOs in the lives of the future leaders is well articulated; however, they seem to confront a problem way bigger than their capacity, which involves power and massive resources. The fieldwork experience from the present study, commends the SIPs’ culture of networking, and collaboration can only be enhanced when it is framed by the ‘scaling-up’ strategy developed by Lederach et al. for wider social impact, and,sustainability. In light of the findings, while the above three imperatives considered as an original contribution to the existing knowledge in the field of Sport for Development and Peace (SDP), it also concluded by providing possible recommendations that may guide sport practitioners to effectively design, implement, monitor and evaluate programmes and the SIPs’ in post-apartheid South Africa, in Africa and beyond.