Thesis (Ph.D.)--York University, 2006. Graduate Programme in Political Science. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 415-455). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:NR19765

Thesis (M.A.)--Ohio University, August, 2008. / Title from PDF t.p. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 245-251).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2006. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 160-177).

<p>Abstract</p><p>Writers: Karl-Johan Arnér, student</p><p>Mentor: Karl Loxbo</p><p>Institution: Social studies 91-120p at the institution of human and social studies at the university of Kalmar.</p><p>Title: Taxpayers Association – An analyse during 1975-2007</p><p>Background: The organisation was founded 1921 and has today over 100 000 members. They are critical to a large welferestate and work intensive to decrease the taxes in Sweden. They have a paper for the members and the study explores the message in this paper. The purpose is to se if the message is an express for the neoliberal ideology.</p><p>Question formulation:</p><p>• In which ways have the Taxpayers association expressed neoliberal ideas during 1975-2007?</p><p>• Does the organisation have the same opinions 1975-2007?</p><p>Results: The organisation writes mostly about taxes. They think the taxes in Sweden are too high and think that it would be a good idea to decrease the taxes. They also think that the public service is too ineffective and costs too much money. The message is very critical to the society in Sweden particular between 1996-2005. The critical decrease when socialist lose the election the national parlament. 75 % of all the message in the paper is an expression for the neoliberal ideology.</p>

Concentrating on six representative media sites, 28 Days Later (2002), Dawn of the Dead (2004), Land of the Dead (2005), Children of Men (2007), Snowpiercer (2013), and one television series The Walking Dead (2010-present), this dissertation examines the strain of post-millennial apocalyptic media emphasizing a neo-liberal form of collaboration as the path to survival. Unlike traditional collaboration, the neo-liberal construction centers on the individual’s responsibility in maintaining harmony through intra-group homogeny. Through close textual analysis, critical race theory, and feminist media studies, this project seeks to understand how post-racial and post-feminist representational strategies elide inequality and ignore tensions surrounding racial or gender differences to create harmony-through-homogeny in popular apocalyptic film and television.

This dissertation investigates the intersection between political rhetoric and popular ideas about the Greek debt crisis and processes of identification and differentiation within a Greek diasporic community. It documents the significant role the economic crisis has assumed in local political rhetoric and explores the ways in which it has enriched previously existing discourses of identification, reshaping long-standing political debates, and engendering opportunities for transnational mobilization. The researcher's aim is to link culturally specific discursive strategies, interpretative trajectories, personal histories and wider moral economies, showcasing some of the complexities in processes of ethnic identification and intra-group differentiation. In short, this dissertation uses the advances of critical anthropological theory on place, objects, discursive and sensory practices to frame the plurality of ideas and rhetoric about the crisis within political, economic, and cultural contexts.

Using the 2014 State of the Union Address as an example, I show that the public honoring of physically wounded veterans hides the emotional, psychological, social, and moral wounds of military service, creating a normative veteran identity based on mental toughness, and essentializes all veterans as honorable by default. Using Michel Foucault’s notion of Panopticism from <i>Discipline and Punish</i>, I argue that this unquestioned heroism of the veteran disciplines the nation, disengages the population from involvement, and enables unchecked, perpetual war. In response, I propose that we avoid thanking veterans publicly and abstractly, instead approaching each and every veteran personally in full recognition of their unique set of relations. This would improve veteran reintegration, politically engage the population in discourse regarding military conflict, and ultimately serve as a check on the use of state violence.

In my dissertation, I argue that the neoliberalization of higher education results in the university becoming less and less a place of wonder, self-cultivation and thinking and instead more and more a place to specialize, strategize and produce. This is a result of the volatile infusion and mixing of the logic of calculative rationality at work in consumer capitalism with the logic of scientific instrumental rationality already hegemonic in academia. This adds to the demands of the academic world of production the demands of the world of consumption. Now the academic (and also the student) is interpellated not only as a producer of knowledge but also as an object of consumption (to be consumed by others). These new pressures, previously kept at a distance from academia, explosively accelerate the already rapid process of rationalization of which science is already a key part and increasingly structure higher education as a field of strategic action in which students no longer have the time to think and to develop good judgment. I worry this undermines the opportunity for students to develop into good citizens that can truly think critically and judge carefully. Thinking and judgment are, according to Arendt, the only things that can save us if the powerful machines of science or capitalism begin to work in ways they should not. Arendt saw Nazi Germany use the newest science and the best economic management to systematically kill six million Jews. She saw the disturbing inability of the populace and the intellectuals to capably resist the Nazi machine once it got rolling. I argue than unless checked, neoliberalization threatens to turn the university into a place that discourages thinking and the development of judgment in favor of hyperspecialization and strategic action.

Inequities in education have long been the driving force behind school reform movements. In efforts to desegregate schools and offer more equitable education opportunities, more privatized and marketized school systems have emerged. This movement has been referred to as neoliberalism. This term encompasses the individual’s right to make school selections based on their personal preferences or desires. Current school choice research suggests parents seek schools with better resources or curriculum, desire the social connections certain schools can offer them, or select schools based on right fit for their families. Neoliberals argue that schools will be reformed or transformed as a result of changing to meet the needs of their customers. They believe competitive school markets will lead to better education systems. However, outcomes of choice movements have been inconsistent and have not demonstrated that choice has impacted achievement or addressed educational disparities. Some argue that it has further segregated schools and has led to greater inequities, particularly for minority or disadvantaged students. Furthermore, the research suggests that access may be facilitated or hindered by an individual’s cultural or social capital. Conversely, the research on student mobility suggests that minority and disadvantaged student populations are often highly mobile students. Frequent school moves for these student groups are detrimental to their academic success and can affect their school experience on multiple levels. The result is two opposing views on how to best ensure student achievement. One view encourages movement, the other does not. This study examined the use of open-enrollment in highly-mobile, high poverty schools. The findings suggest that a connection between student mobility and use of open-enrollment exists. Additionally, the findings revealed that barriers continue to hinder true choice access and motivations for school choice differs in parents at high-poverty, high-mobility schools. The parents in this study did not exercise choice to improve academic outcomes. This is counter to the intent of school choice. Factors such as safety, happiness and relationships were more valued and sought. Moreover, school movement was often prompted by negative events resulting in situational movement. In these instances, open enrollment was utilized to facilitate a reactionary response instead of being utilized to improve achievement outcomes. Based on the results of this study, an evaluation of current school choice practices, legislation and funding may be necessary to ensure the future success of students when exercising choice opportunities.