一九五六年蘇伊士運河事件，是東西方在中東地區權力關係發生突變的轉捩點，一則代表了英法舊殖民勢力的沒落，二則揭起了美國和蘇聯在中東冷戰的序幕，再則使以列和阿拉伯國家間的世仇更難消除，造成以後中東地區長期紛擾不安的局面，所以，在整個國際關系史上，此一事件，實有其劃時代的重要性。就另一方面說，蘇伊士運河事件在自由世界對抗共產集團的□爭中，亦有其特殊意義，說明了自由世界團結一致和遠大目光的必要，若一昧只求進利，不作遠圖，則必落入共黨各個擊破的圈套。本文的目的，在指出此事件所給予的啟迪，以為來者的殷鑑。 一九五六年運河事件，在國際法方面，一度為炙手可熱的問題，但事件本身在國際法上的地位，似遠不如其在國際關係史上的重要，因此，本文的探討方向，係專就國際關係的角度，採取敘述事實與探討問題相行並重的方式，來論述整個事件的前因後果。本文共計六章，第一章導論，概述運河事件的遠因，第二章探討事件的近因，第三、四、五章討論事件中，各有關國家的外交活動，和平的努力與失敗，以及戰爭爆發後的國際調處和善後處理；最後一章為一簡短的結論。 一九五六筆運河事件，距今僅十二年，許多官方資料均未公諸於世（英國政府一直拒絕公布一九五六年十月十六日與二十三日英法間秘會議的紀錄），以致於本文的論述，可能有不夠翔實之處，不過，就本文研討的世界均勢變遷而論，即使有缺點，也不致改變本文的結論。再者，本文使用之資料，多為英文書籍，筆者英文程度欠佳，對某些資料的翻譯，如條約、演講詞、及談話錄等，縱使沒有重大的錯誤，亦難免有不妥的地方。在這裡，作者應先說明。 本文承陳教授治世師指導，耳提面命，示教良多，特別是對於論文大綱及撰寫重點，有啟發性的提示，謹於此表示衷心的謝意。

二次大戰以前之早期歷史階段，中東地區一直是德國對外政策中之次要項目。而冷戰時期之雙邊關係發展，也多傾向於反映西德與該地區實際往來相對有限之情況，而非突顯類似雙邊在地理位置上之鄰近性、以及雙邊經貿關係發展潛力等有利因素；而就該時期阿拉伯國家對西德之態度立場而言，主要特徵在於前者對後者明顯支持以色列之立場感到失望及不滿。70年代以後，西德政府開始嘗試與以色列和阿拉伯國家建立一個「基於平等對待立場」（Politik der Ausgewogenheit）之往來關係原則，然而由於相關策略仍未能擺脫受到冷戰期間之美蘇對立背景環境、中東地區之以阿衝突問題以及二戰時期納粹德國曾經迫害猶太族群之歷史記憶等因素之影響，故至東西德統一以前，西德對中東地區國家一直未能形成具體可見之外交政策。 90年代之後，國際局勢歷經重大變遷，包括冷戰結束、東西德統一，歐盟內部統合趨勢、以及以色列和巴勒斯坦和平進程之展開等，不但影響了德國對中東地區政策，為上述政策之形成帶來新的動力與契機，同時也致使德國在該地區逐漸扮演更有力、可見度較過去顯著之角色。上述變遷之外，致使後冷戰時期德國在中東議題上之參與程度、以及德國支持歐盟在中東地區扮演積極角色之程度有顯著增加之其他主要因素，尚包括德國在中東地區之實際利益有所提升、德國與歐盟和美國之間的合作關係、以及德國與以色列之特殊關係等因素。統一後之德國，其內部已經逐漸擺脫了畏懼談論有關在中東地區利益以及以阿（以巴）衝突問題之情況，而其在中東地區確實存在某些實際利益，也是不容置疑的：經濟上，該地區提供能源及市場方面之需求；安全保障上，同樣地，可以歸結為德國在中東地區之主要安全利益，在於防止中東地區之衝突和不穩定局勢，包括恐怖主義、武器擴散以及難民遷徙等安全問題蔓延至歐洲地區；而就政治方面，德國於該地區之主要利益，在於以阿衝突問題之和平解決，而相關目標之達成，將能顯著地化解德國在拓展與該地區阿拉伯國家關係上之障礙及困境。 本篇論文探討並歸結出了塑造當今德國對中東地區政策的五個主要面向：（一）能源、經濟以及安全利益；（二）德國在以阿（以巴）衝突問題上之特殊處境與國內考量；（三）支持歐盟內部成員國在中東議題方面彼此進行協調整合之優先性；（四）強調在中東議題上進行國際多邊合作（特別是需要美國方面之參與和支持）之必要性；（五）德國對以色列之歷史責任及雙邊特殊關係。 筆者認為，未來，作為後冷戰時期德國外交政策的一項主要趨勢，德國對中東地區事務之參與情形將更為積極，同時也具備足夠潛力來扮演此一角色，並更願意透過具體實際之措施或行動來展現之，對於該地區局勢未來之變化將具有正面且深刻之影響，故未來其中東政策及在該地區角色之發展不容忽視，有必要予以密切關注。 / Before World War II, the Middle East region was not a high priority for the Governments of Germany. For West Germany, development of relations with the Arabic states during the Cold-War period is prone to reflect far more, the relatively limited scope of bilateral engagement, than the geographical proximity or the trading potential between the Arab world and West Germany. On the other hand, the typical perception towards West Germany that existed among the Arabic countries during the Cold-War period, is broadly characterized by the disappointment with West Germany’s pro-Israeli stance. From the 1970s onwards, Governments of West Germany had tried to build up a “principle of even-handedness”（Politik der Ausgewogenheit）in its foreign policy towards Israel, and the Arabic countries, but which still could not ignore the impact of the Cold War, Arab-Israeli conflicts, as well as the legacy of the Nazi past. Thus, a definite and visible policy toward the Middle East countries was unable to be formed during the Cold-War period until the reunification of East and West Germany in 1990. From the 1990s onwards, several major events have occurred which have changed the overall scenario, including the end of the Cold War, the reunification of East and West Germany, European integration, as well as the beginning of the Israel-Palestinian peace process. These developments not only affected Germany’s Middle East policy, but also brought about a new momentum and opportunities, which has resulted in a more forceful, visible and significant role, which Germany now plays in the region. Other major factors resulting in Germany’s increasing participation and its support of the EU role in the Middle East, include the growing German interests in the region, political co-operation between Germany and the EU and the United States, Germany's special relationship with Israel, as well as others. Post Cold-War Germany shied away, for most of its existence during the time, from discussions about its interests in the Middle East, and the existence of German interests in the region has likewise, become hardly doubtful. Economically, there is a vital interest in a secure energy supply from the region; On the other hand, Germany’s security interests in the region can be boiled down to preventing the problems of regional conflicts, as well as non-conventional threats in the region from exporting into Europe, such as terrorism, arms proliferation, and refugee movements; Politically, Germany’s major interest in the region lies in a peaceful solution of the Israeli-Arab conflict – which can notably solve a dilemma in its development of bilateral relations with both Israel and the Arab states. The thesis has explored and concluded the shape of today’s German Middle East policy with five major elements:（1）energy, economic and security interests;（2）special circumstances and domestic considerations in facing the Israeli-Arab (Israeli-Palestinian) conflict;（3）to support the co-ordination and the integration of policies toward the Middle East region between the EU member states as a top priority;（4）to emphasize the necessity of international multilateral cooperation on the Middle-East issues（especially with the involvement and support from the United States）；（5）Germany's historical responsibility and its special relationship with Israel. The author believes that in the future, as one of the major trends of the German foreign policy in the post Cold-War era, Germany’s participation in the Middle East affairs will become more active, as it has enough capability and potential to play such a role. It also has become more willing to exercise these attributes through concrete measures or actions, and will have a positive and profound influence upon the development of the region in the future, thus, the future development of its Middle East policy and its role in the region, ought to be put upon with more emphasis and paid with close attention.