本論文以優選理論探討上海話之入聲變調，試圖將文獻中所認為表現不規律之入聲變調納入與舒聲變調相容之分析中。本研究認為入聲變調與舒聲變調皆受制於ANCHOR-L(tσ1, Hd)，因此其首音節之基底聲調在輸出值中皆出現於重讀音節。以此觀之，則入聲變調與舒聲變調的差異主要在於節律重音的位置：在舒聲變調中首音節重讀；在入聲變調中重音則後移──在陰入變調中係移至第二音節，在陽入變調中則移至末音節。 本論文提出兩點假設：上海話中舒聲音節為重量音節，入聲音節為輕量音節；節律結構基本上為一位於左端之雙音節音步。據此，本研究提出COINCIDE (LightHd, FT-final)，認為陰入變調中重音所以後移至第二音節是因為重讀之輕量音節傾向於由音步末音節核可(licensing)。另一方面，由於陽入的單字調為曲拱調，與陰入的水平調有別，是以本研究另外提出COINCIDE(Contour, PrWd-final)，此制約顯示陽入變調中重音的遠距移位是為了遵行「曲拱調須由末音節核可」之普遍現象。 綜述之，本論文提供了一個重量音節、節律重音、曲拱調以及邊際位置等韻律顯著位置間彼此對映的實例。此外，本研究亦顯示上海話的連讀變調涉及聲調與重音的互動，是以所提出之分析或許對相關類型之研究亦有所貢獻。 / This thesis offers an Optimality-theory approach to the tone sandhi of checked tones (TSC) in Shanghai, in an attempt to regulate its surface patterns which have long been considered anomaly as opposed to the tone sandhi of smooth tones (TSS). With a reanalysis in the present study, TSC and TSS arguably have in common that their process of tone mapping is both subject to ANCHOR-L(tσ1, Hd), by which the un- derlying tone of the initial syllable ends up at the stressed syllable in the output. It follows that TSC is different from TSS in the way that metrical head is assigned: all domains undergoing TSS are stressed on their initial syllable; only in domains of TSC does the stress move rightwards, either to the second place in the tone sandhi of Yinru (TSYI), or to the final syllable in the tone sandhi of Yangru (TSYA). Given the assumption that checked syllables and smooth syllables in Shanghai are light and heavy, respectively, in terms of moraicity, and that foot-parsing is binary and left-aligned in general, the one-syllable shift of stress in TSYI can be accounted for by positing COINCIDE(LightHd, FT-final), which sets up the preference for light stress- bearing syllables to be licensed foot-finally. On the other hand, given that Yangru in the citation forms represents a rising contour, different from the level tone of Yinru, a licensing constraint, namely COINCIDE(Contour, PrWd-final), is further posited so that the long-distance movement of metrical head observed in TSYA emerges to satisfy the requirement for the retained rising contour to be licensed word-finally. Taken together, this thesis instantiates a remarkable case of the mapping among multiple prominent positions, including heavy syllables, metrical head, contour tones, and edge positions. Also, the present analysis demonstrates that Shanghai tone sandhi involves an interaction between tone and stress, thus a contribution to the general OT tone-prominence typology literature (cf. Zhang 2001, Barnes 2002, De Lacy 2002).

本文以探討北京方言的中古入聲音韻層次為目標，經由個別官話方言的比較對應，建立次方言各自的韻調系統，並統整各區的韻調特徵，做為北京方言若干韻母來源的方言地理影響趨向走勢，再綰結文獻語料加以確認發展的時代上限。 首先，比較中古入聲在北京官話、中原官話、江淮官話（安徽）的韻調表現，重建各官話方言的中古入聲演變模式。比較的範圍為北京方言裡文白異讀大量存在的中古宕江攝開口入聲字、中古曾梗攝開口一二等字、通攝合口三等字的讀音。通過各方言區內部方言語料的比較，找出各個方言之間的語音對應規律，建立共同形式，再進行官話方言裡幾種共同形式之間的比較，推定各個共同形式發展的方言區。判斷一個方言區固有形式的根據有兩個：一是語音演變的通則，即一旦確定演變方向，不再回到古音來源再以不同方式演變；另一是中古入聲韻的兩條不同演變方向，即複元音化和喉塞音化。由此得知，中古入聲在各官話方言區發展的方式各自不同。 其次，觀察與北京方言有關文獻語料，推論北京方言的中古入聲字讀音的歷史音韻層次形成的途徑。考察的文獻材料為《韻鏡》、《七音略》、《皇極經世書‧聲音唱和圖》、《蒙古字韻》、《四聲等子》、《中原音韻》、《合併字學篇韻便覽》等中古以後紀錄漢語語音的韻書及韻圖。從方言比較的結果和文獻語料所反映的中古入聲字讀音的變遷看，北京方言的中古入聲音韻層次形成過程大體上可以分為以下三個階段：獨立發展期、中原官話接觸期、江淮官話接觸期。由此得知，北京方言的中古入聲字讀音並不是單純從中古音到北京方言演化而來，而是一面從中古音演變下來，一面透過與其他方言交融，吸收經過不同演化模式的語音。 漢語方言比較研究使得我們能夠看出生動的語言變化動態面貌，提供重新看待文獻材料的慧眼。