近年來許多學者開始注意語言及音樂之間的共通之處。這篇論文主要從結構、韻律及曲調方面，分析現代閩南語歌曲中，歌詞與旋律之間的協調與配合，希望能夠對語言與音樂之間的互動有更多的了解。傳統閩南語歌曲旋律簡單，非常忠於語言本身的特性，在優選理論的架構下，受到某些制約條件影響。當這些歌曲融入Rock 或R&B等音樂元素後，歌詞與旋律之間的對應受到另一套制約條件排列的影響。透過分析同一首歌曲的不同版本，對於音樂與語言之間、以及不同版本之間的對應，提供更完整的理論分析。 / The parallel structures between language and music have been observed in the literature of linguistics. To have further understanding on the interaction of language and music, this study examines the concordance and compromise of lyrics and melodies in Taiwanese folk songs from the aspects of prosodic structure, rhythmic pattern and tonal mapping. Traditional Taiwanese folk songs demand a simplistic tune, showing faithfulness to the linguistic form. Under the framework of the Optimality Theory, some constraints related to the arrangement of lyrics and melodies are detected. As these songs are adapted to different musical styles—Rock or R&B—the constraint ranking changes on the basis of output-to-output correspondence, resulting in different musical representations. With the analysis of different versions of the same song, this paper provides a theoretical account on the harmony between language and music and also the relationships between different musical versions.

本論文調查四個台灣南島語，包括巴宰語（Pazih）、阿美語（Amis）、排灣語（Paiwan）、邵語（Thao），記錄並分析在這些語言之中各種不同的重疊詞形式，並以當今的音韻理論來分析所採得的語料，特別是從優選理論的觀點來研究。 本文的調查發現，這四個語言的重疊詞形式非常的類似，它們都應用了Ca-重疊及右向重疊作為構詞的手段，只有在巴宰語及邵語可以觀察到其他不同的重疊形式。 就Ca-重疊而言，本文認為固定的元音[a]乃是由於「預先指明」（pre-specification）的結果，也就是其在底層形式就已經連結到重疊成分音節的韻母，本文並說明以「無標記浮現」（The Emergence of the Unmarked）來解釋固定音段（e.g. Chang 1998）的理論有其缺點。 右向重疊在不同的語言中，所呈現的型態並不完全相同。以重疊成分的形式來看，可以分成三類：-CV.CV-、-C.CV-與-CV-。巴則海語只呈現第一類的重疊成分，阿美語有第一及第二類的重疊成分，排灣語及邵語應用了三種的形式。本文認為右向重疊的功能既然相同，應當只有一套語法來支配。本文進而提出一組制約排序，順利分析了在不同語言中觀察到的右向重疊現象。 其他觀察到的重疊形式有：巴宰語的CV:-與CVCV-重疊及邵語的CV-重疊。巴宰語的CV:-重疊呈現了元音延長的現象，CVCV-重疊則是一種雙音節前綴重疊；邵語CV-重疊的重疊成分總是在詞基的倒數第二音節之前，此現象與其韻步結構有關。 本論文亦簡略描述分析四個語言所呈現的音韻現象，如音位系統、音節結構、重音、音變等。在音變方面，四個語言有許多相似處，如喉塞音增音、元音低降、滑音化等。本文利用優選理論來分析各語言的音韻系統。

宋詞研究學者提出許多詞律上的規定與特色，然而有關宋詞詞調之間的互動研究仍相當缺乏，因此本研究旨在探討北宋詞人姜夔的十七首自度曲當中語言形式的規定與音樂的關係。本篇研究包含語料庫與理論分析，其中語料庫分析針對結構、節奏與聲調歸納出姜夔十七首詞當中的傾向，並佐以數據分析。理論分析根據優選理論的框架說明姜夔作品中的語言形式如何選擇，並證實所有輸出值皆可用階級式制約來決定。本篇研究希望能解釋宋詞中語言與音樂的關係並為詞牌規定提出不同觀點。 / Researchers of Song verses have often proposed the rules to describe the poetic composition, but few have focused on the interactions between verse language and music. Therefore, the aim of the study attempts to explore how music and the linguistic requirements are related in Jiang Kuei’s seventeen verses. This research involves a corpus-based and a theoretical analyses. The corpus-based analysis focuses on structure, rhythm and tone to generalize the patterns of Jiang’s verses on a statistic basis. Under the framework of Optimality Theory, the theoretical analysis explains Jiang’s linguistic and musical arrangements in verses and confirms that the output forms are determined by a hierarchy of constraints. To conclude, this study sheds new light on the relationship between music and language and provides a fresh perspective on the Song verse formats.

本計畫擬於優選理論 (Prince & Smolensky 1993/2004) 框架下，探討現代華語擬聲詞在音韻上的特點與表現，並分析優選理如何論操作單音節及雙音節輸入項所衍生出的雙音節擬聲詞，進而完全或部分重疊成三音節及四音節華語擬聲詞。擬聲詞為模仿自然界中的聲音形成的詞彙，但並非隨意衍生形成，仍然需要遵循語言的構詞及音韻規律，才能衍生成為合法詞彙並順暢地使用。在華語音韻研究方面，歷來學者對於擬聲詞的討論並不豐富詳盡，因此本碩士論文便嘗試探討華語雙音節、三音節及四音節擬聲詞在音韻分析中的樣貌。 重疊在漢語擬聲詞中為極為常見的現象。如現代華語中單音節的「咕」與雙音節的「咕咕」；雙音節的「滴答」與四音節的「滴滴答答」。故擬聲詞衍生中的重疊機制為本計畫中主要討論議題，此外由於華語擬聲詞結構在音段選擇中展現一致性，故另聚焦於固定音段， 如邊音/l/及前元音/i/在現代華語擬聲詞中高度頻繁地出現，我將對其起源提出假設並分析，如現代華語「劈哩啪啦」的/l/及/i/。而華語雙音節擬聲詞的來源二分為單音節輸入項及雙音節輸入項亦為討論對象。 最後預期華語擬聲詞大致符合現代華語成詞的語法，但進行重疊時與實詞相異，語意因素不會成為衍生動機；經由優選理論分析，從音韻結構角度切入，不僅可了解華語擬聲詞衍生的制約排序，亦更加了解其音韻構詞規範，且與實詞如形容詞進行重疊時的制約排序進行比較，說明華語擬聲詞在衍生過程中傾向遵循邊緣音韻規則，與其他實詞多依據核心音韻 規則的狀況大異其趣。以此為基石去了解其他漢語方言對於擬聲成詞的標準，甚或研究日語、韓語中豐富的擬聲詞，便能構擬出擬聲成詞更具體且具有說服力的語法規則。 / In this thesis, the generation of Modern Mandarin disyllabic, trisyllabic and quadrisyllabic onomatopoeia under phonological viewpoint via Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky 1993/2004) approach will be discussed. In my M.A. Thesis ‘An OT analysis of Mandarin Onomatopoeia’, four factors motivated this study. First, the different sources of Mandarin disyllabic onomatopoeia which I thought there are monosyllabic and disyllabic inputs aroused my interests. Second, there are some similarities of Mandarin onomatopoeia between Mandarin core lexicons. Third, the reduplication mechanism in Mandarin onomatopoeia will be taken as a main point in this study. For example, in Modern Mandarin ‘gu’ (Sound of bird sing once) will extend into ‘gugu’ (Sound of birdsong) under total reduplication. Finally, the issue concerning what will be the best choice when Mandarin onomatopoeia is reduplicated with fixed segmentism also plays an important role in this study. For instance, the /l/ and /i/ in Modern Mandarin’s ‘pilipala’ (Sound of many things falling). Onomatopoeias have their special function as sound-imitating icons. They are not the words which are formed by arbitrary but by the rules. They sometimes violate phonological structures of the language in which they occur; hence they belong to the peripheral phonology rather than core one. The Mandarin onomatopoeia is different from Mandarin content words; they are not motivated by semantic factors. So the Chinese onomatopoeia generation analysis via OT approach supplies not only the morpho-phonological constraints but also the comparison of peripheral words between content words. I would like to assume that the Mandarin onomatopoeia generation follows the peripheral phonological rules. This study will provide as a basement to study on other Chinese language’s onomatopoeia or even onomatopoeia in Tibetan, Japanese and Korean.

在有關漢語聲調與英語輕重音的借字研究中，英語重音與漢語聲調的對應並不一致，因此，本篇研究分別從語料庫與優選理論的觀點，重新檢驗漢語借字中漢語聲調與英語輕重音的關係。觀察語料庫發現英語重音傾向與包含高音 (high pitch) 的聲調對應，因此本文提ANCHOR-L(H,σ) 和ANCHOR-R(H, σ) 制約，分別要求英語重音節的H音高要固定在對應音節聲調的左端或右端。在*[+voiced]/[+H]- 和 *[-voiced]/[-H]- 的制約下，輸出值呈現voice enhancement的效果。換句話說，*[+voiced]/[+H]- 制約要求含有聲聲母之英語重音節與低起始音域的聲調對應；*[-voiced]/[-H]- 制約要求含無聲聲母之英語重音節與高起始音域的聲調對應。含有聲聲母之英語重音節可能對應到高平調或中升調，制約層級的改變能預測之。若ANCHOR-L(H,σ)與ANCHOR-R(H,σ)支配*[+voiced]/[+H]- ，則高平調被選出，但是，若 *[+voiced]/[+H]- 支配ANCHOR-L(H,σ) 與 ANCHOR-R(H,σ)，則中升調被選出。在RELCORR制約的要求下，對應重音節聲調的左端調值不低於對應輕音節聲調的左端調值。 / The studies of Mandarin loanwords adapted from English have suggested different tonal preferences in correspondence to English stress. This thesis reexamines the relationship between stress and tone in the English-to-Mandarin loanwords based on a corpus and the Optimality Theory. Two anchoring constraints, ANCHOR-L(H,σ) and ANCHOR-R(H,σ) are proposed to require the realization of the pitch accent H of the English stressed syllables, indicating the fact that English stress prefers a tone with a high pitch. The *[+voiced]/[+H]- and *[-voiced]/[-H]- constraints show a pattern of voice enhancement. *[+voiced]/[+H]- requires an English stressed syllable with a voiced onset to be adapted with an initially low-registered tone; *[-voiced]/[-H]- requires an English stressed syllable with a voiceless onset to be adapted with an initially high-registered tone. In addition, constraint re-ranking predicts the alternatively choices between the H-tone and the MH-tone for an English stressed syllable with a voiced onset. The H-tone is selected if ANCHOR-L(H,σ)and ANCHOR-R(H,σ) outrank *[+voiced]/[+H]-; whereas the MH-tone is chosen if *[+voiced]/[+H]- dominates these two anchoring constraints. The RELCORR constraint requires a left-edge tonal correspondence, where the left-edge pitch of a tone that corresponds to an English stressed syllable is not lower than one that corresponds to an English unstressed syllable.

本篇論文旨在從優選理論（Optimality Theory）的架構觀點分析海陸客語中 的三個音韻現象：變調（Tone Sandhi）、介音（Pre-nuclear Gliding）及音節連併（Syllable Contraction）。 　　在變調方面，由於海陸客語中上聲與陰入聲助數詞不因環境而變調，在利用之前文獻解釋時必須另外設定條件來說明海陸助數詞的特殊變調行為，本文建議利用優選論的制約來分析，本文所提出的一組制約，可以成功的解釋海陸客語中的上聲與陰入聲變調現象。 　　在介音方面，本文選擇以端木三所提出的音節結構為海陸客語音節結構，因為海陸客語中介音所呈現的行為較似起首子音的次發音特徵，因此本文亦提出了一組制約解釋海陸介音在音節中的歸屬。 　　在音節連併方面，本文檢驗了之前文獻所提出的方法，發現無法全面解釋海陸音節連併的現象，因此，提出一組關於音段與聲調的連併之制約將海陸音節連併現象以優選理論呈現。 　　本文是第一篇嘗試以優選理論解釋海陸客語音韻現象的研究，希望能從不同於之前文獻的角度討論海陸客語音韻的問題。之前理論運作的缺陷與不足，在本文的分析下，均可以成功的以優選理論之制約層級來說明。 / This thesis aims to explore three issues in Hai-lu Hakka Phonology in terms of Optimality Theory (OT). The three issues are tone sandhi, pre-nuclear gliding and syllable contraction. 　　Hai-lu Shang Toned and Yin-ru Toned numerals preserve their base tones in any case. Thus, previous studies would need to add an additional condition for the special tone sandhi behaviors of Hai-lu numerals. This thesis offers a set of OT constraints to explain tone sandhi in Hai-lu. The OT constraints can successfully operate Hai-lu tone sandhi without additional conditions. 　　Pre-nuclear glides in Hai-lu behave like the secondary articulations of the onsets. This thesis suggests Duanmu's (1990) syllable structure for Hai-lu syllables. A set of constraints are proposed to explain the pre-nuclear gliding in Hai-lu syllables. 　　The approaches previous studies suggest for syllable contraction are not across-the-board in Hai-lu. Thus, a set of segmental and tonal constraints are proposed to explain Hai-lu syllable contraction. The OT constraints operate syllable contraction in Hai-lu without difficulties. 　　This thesis is a pioneering study which aims to examine Hai-lu phonology in terms of OT. With OT constraint rankings, this thesis explains the remaining problems from previous studies successfully.

本文以優選理論的觀點分析英文縮詞與混合詞的音韻保留形式。音韻保留形式分為：來源詞之聲母保留、來源詞之單音節保留以及來源詞之雙音節保留。本研究認為英文縮詞與混合詞的音韻保留策略不只一種，應用不同的策略會產生不同類型的縮詞及混合詞，筆者透過並存音韻理論(Cophonology Theory)來說明英文縮詞與混合詞的音韻保留策略是多個次語法的運作結果。縮詞的音韻保留策略有四種，可分為左邊保留及右邊保留，其中又以左邊保留佔多數，在這兩種保留中又分別有兩種模組(template)保留策略。混合詞的音韻保留策略有三種，主要由MAXS2這條可移動制約的位置來決定，當它在層級中移動到不同的位置會形成不同的保留策略。此外，本文也提供了跨語言分析，發現西班牙混合詞與英文混合詞可由相似的制約透過不同排序來解釋，表示不同語言的混合詞，其行為相當類似。簡言之，本篇論文藉由優選理論的觀點，首度就英文縮詞與混合詞提出了一個整體分析。 / This thesis examines the nature of English clipping and blending from the perspective of Optimality Theory. Clipped and blended words may use phonological strategies to preserve part of the source such as the preservation of the onset, syllable, or foot. Different strategies of preservation form different patterns of clipped or blended words. This thesis illustrates that these phonological strategies are determined by the different cophonologies. There are four strategies in forming clipped words. Clipped words can be preserved from the left edge or the right edge of the source, each of which follows either a bimoraic template or a disyllabic template. There are three strategies in forming blended words, depending on the ranking of the unspecified constraint MAXS2. In addition, the present study offers cross-linguistic evidence from Spanish blends, showing that Spanish blending and English blending share certain similarities. To conclude, this thesis has provided a theoretical generalization of English clipping and blending, taking a constraint-based approach.

許多學者曾探討語言與音樂的互動關係。本研究則是將此議題延伸討論至漢語聖經經文入樂。本文漢語聖詩的歌詞皆截取自聖經經文，旋律的部份則是由牟維華(2007)所編。本篇主要包含了語料庫以及優選理論分析。語料庫的設置是用以觀察音節與音符的關連性、語言與音樂的邊界，以及輕聲的節奏。而優選理論分析則是藉著制約排序選出優選輸出值。本文聖詩可以兩種方式避免音符沒有對應到歌詞的現象，即一個音節對入多個音符，以及插入重複的歌詞。此兩種不同變異體可透過並存音韻(cophonology)的次語法，也就是Dep-σ 及Univormity-SM兩個制約的重新排序來解釋。由 Align-R(Long,IP)、Align-L (T, XP) 及 Align-R (T, IP) 三種制約排序，可預測出三連音邊界與歌詞的對應關係。Rhythm-N和Align-R (Long, IP) 兩個制約的排序，則可預測輕聲字的節奏長短。本研究發現音樂可被調整，以容納音節節奏。語言亦會被音樂影響，如此以符合樂譜的模組(template)。 / Scholars have discussed the interaction between language and music. This study investigates this issue in Chinese biblical hymns. The lyrics of Chinese biblical hymn discussed in this paper are from biblical verses while the melodies are composed by Mou (2007). This paper includes corpus-based and Optimality Theory analysis. Corpus is constructed to observe the phenomena of syllable-note association, language and music boundaries, and the rhythm of neutral tone syllables. In terms of Optimality Theory, the optimal output of the hymn is governed by a set of constraints. Both linking one syllable to multiple notes and inserting repeated lyrics to the hymns can avoid notes from not linking to any lyric. These two variations can be accounted for by re-ranking Dep-σ and Univormity-SM in Cophonology Theory. The constraint ranking of Align-R (Long, IP), Align-L (T, XP) and Align-R (T, IP) can predict the interaction between the tiercet boundary and lyrics. The ranking of Rhythm-N and Align-R (Long, IP) determines the rhythm of neutral tone syllables. To conclude, this study has found that music can be modified to accommodate syllable rhythm. Language can also be influenced by music to satisfy the music template.

本文旨在探討華語焦點變調，並以青年語者為主。本文分別檢驗三種不同的句型，第一類為焦點助動詞和焦點副詞，第二類為平坦結構，第三類則是其它類型的句子。在優選理論的架構下，本文分別提出韻律制約和聲調制約來詮釋華語的焦點變調。筆者透過並存音韻理論(Cophonology Theory)來說明焦點韻律結構的劃分是多個次語法的運作結果。焦點韻律結構的劃分有兩種，主要由(ALIGN-L(F, FP), ALIGN-L(FP, Ft))和(ALIGN-R(F, FP), ALIGN-R(FP, Ft))這兩組可移動的對整制約來決定，當它們在制約排序中移動到不同的位置時會形成不同的韻律結構劃分。本研究發現焦點詞組等同於語調詞組，因此提出另一個對整制約ALIGN-E(FP, IP)來解釋。排序最高的韻律制約則是[FTMIN & NON-FINALITY]，目的在於避免單音節音步出現在句末。至於聲調制約，筆者採用IDENT-BOT來處理三音節音步的變調結果。此外，焦點韻律結構的劃分會造成兩個相鄰的上聲出現在不同的音步之中，OCP-L(ft)可以確保此形式的保留。簡言之，本文藉由優選理論的觀點，以及韻律制約和聲調制約的互動，對華語焦點變調提出了一個整體分析。 / This thesis examines Mandarin focal tone sandhi among Taiwan youngsters. Three types of sentences are under investigation: Type A includes the focused auxiliary verbs and adverbs in a simple sentence, Type B the flat structure, and Type C the other types of structures. Under the framework of Optimality Theory, this thesis proposes prosodic constraints and tonal constraints to account for Mandarin focal tone sandhi. This thesis adopts Cophonology Theory to explain the subgrammars of focal phrasings. There are two types of focal phrasing patterns governed by the reranking of two sets of alignment constraints (ALIGN-L(F, FP), ALIGN-L(FP, Ft)) and (ALIGN-R(F, FP), ALIGN-R(FP, Ft)). The focal phrase pertains to a special kind of intonational phrase. This thesis proposes ALIGN-E(FP, IP) to explain this condition. The undominated constraint, [FTMIN & NON-FINALITY], is proposed to ban a monosyllabic foot in sentence-final positions. IDENT-BOT is adopted to deal with the tri-tonal strings such as (σ(σσ)) and ((σσ)σ) in non-focal and focal readings. In addition, focal phrasing may force adjacent L tones to appear in different feet. OCP-L(ft) is proposed to explain this situation. To conclude, based on the constraint-based theory, and the interaction of prosodic constraints and tonal constraints, this thesis has provided a theoretical generalization of Mandarin focal tone sandhi.

本篇論文嘗試以非派生和派生兩種不同結構基礎的優選理論來分析臺灣閩南語仔前變調以及暱稱仔詞綴變調。非派生的優選理論認為聲調改變僅需一個步驟就可以完成。仔前和暱稱仔詞綴音節本身都有兩種讀法，不同的變異體可透過共同音韻模型 (Cophonological model) 下的次文法，也就是制約的重新排序來解釋。本篇研究認為調素傳替與否是仔前音節不同聲調的來源，透過 SHARE (t) 和 NOLONG (t) 兩種制約的排序，可以預測調素是否傳替。另外，透過 SHARE，NOLONG 和 TONAL MARKEDNESS 三種制約的互動和階層性的排序，可以預測暱稱仔詞綴的變調兩讀。派生優選理論則認為仔前和暱稱仔詞綴的聲調變化是一種階段性，而且是一種趨向最佳化的改變，亦即每一個步驟的輸出值都比上一個步驟的還來的優質，為仔前和暱稱仔詞綴變調提供另一個理論詮釋的觀點。在派生優選理論的框架下，仔前變調需要三個步驟，亦即一般變調、調域傳替以及調素傳替的有無。暱稱仔詞綴變調也是需要三個步驟，第一是沒有聲調徵性的聲調加插；第二是調域傳替或是低調域加插；第三是調素傳替或是低聲調徵性的加插。同樣的， 透過 SHARE (t) 和 NOLONG (t) 的排序，可以預測仔前音節的不同聲調。透過 SHARE，NOLONG，TONAL MARKEDNESS 和 REGISTER MARKEDNESS 的排序， 可以預測暱稱仔詞綴的不同聲調。 / This thesis attempts to analyze the pre-a1 tone change and hypocoristic -a2 suffix tone change in Taiwan Southern Min from the perspective of Optimality Theory and Harmonic Serialism, a derivational version of Classic OT. Classic OT, which implements parallelism, explicates the tone change phenomenon in one-step fashion. The two tonal variants of the pre-a1 and -a2 syllables can be accounted for through the constraint re-ranking in Cophonology Theory. The interaction between SHARE (t) and NOLONG (t) determines whether the terminal toneme will perform spreading in the pre-a1 tone change. In the -a2 suffix tone change, the interaction amongst SHARE, NOLONG and TONAL MARKEDNESS determines whether -a2 will receive a tone spread from the neighboring TBU or associate with a default L. Harmonic Serialism, which assumes harmonic improvement over the course of serial derivation, provides an alternative treatment for the pre-a1 tone change and -a2 suffix tone change. In Harmonic Serialism, the pre-a1 tonal alternation proceeds with three steps, viz. regular tone sandhi, register spreading and terminal toneme spreading. -a2 suffix tone change also requires three steps in terms of Harmonic Serialism, that is, featureless tone insertion in the first step; register spreading or low register insertion in the second step; and toneme spreading or low tonal feature insertion in the final step. Likewise, the ranking conditions between SHARE (t) and NOLONG (t) predict whether toneme will spread in the pre-a1 tone change. In the -a2 suffix tone change, the alternative rankings among SHARE, NOLONG, TONAL MARKEDNESS and REGISTER MARKEDNESS decide the application of tone spreading or default L insertion.