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從優選理論分析英文縮詞與混合詞之音韻保留形式 / Phonological Preservation of English Clips and Blends: An Optimality-Theoretic Analysis林綠茜, Lin,Lu Chien Unknown Date (has links)
本文以優選理論的觀點分析英文縮詞與混合詞的音韻保留形式。音韻保留形式分為:來源詞之聲母保留、來源詞之單音節保留以及來源詞之雙音節保留。本研究認為英文縮詞與混合詞的音韻保留策略不只一種,應用不同的策略會產生不同類型的縮詞及混合詞,筆者透過並存音韻理論(Cophonology Theory)來說明英文縮詞與混合詞的音韻保留策略是多個次語法的運作結果。縮詞的音韻保留策略有四種,可分為左邊保留及右邊保留,其中又以左邊保留佔多數,在這兩種保留中又分別有兩種模組(template)保留策略。混合詞的音韻保留策略有三種,主要由MAXS2這條可移動制約的位置來決定,當它在層級中移動到不同的位置會形成不同的保留策略。此外,本文也提供了跨語言分析,發現西班牙混合詞與英文混合詞可由相似的制約透過不同排序來解釋,表示不同語言的混合詞,其行為相當類似。簡言之,本篇論文藉由優選理論的觀點,首度就英文縮詞與混合詞提出了一個整體分析。 / This thesis examines the nature of English clipping and blending from the perspective of Optimality Theory. Clipped and blended words may use phonological strategies to preserve part of the source such as the preservation of the onset, syllable, or foot. Different strategies of preservation form different patterns of clipped or blended words. This thesis illustrates that these phonological strategies are determined by the different cophonologies. There are four strategies in forming clipped words. Clipped words can be preserved from the left edge or the right edge of the source, each of which follows either a bimoraic template or a disyllabic template. There are three strategies in forming blended words, depending on the ranking of the unspecified constraint MAXS2. In addition, the present study offers cross-linguistic evidence from Spanish blends, showing that Spanish blending and English blending share certain similarities. To conclude, this thesis has provided a theoretical generalization of English clipping and blending, taking a constraint-based approach.
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從優選理論分析台灣閩南語的重疊構詞 / An OT Approach to Reduplication in Taiwan Southern Min許淨涵, Hsu, Ching Han Unknown Date (has links)
本文以優選理論為框架探討閩南語三字組及四字組重疊構詞,三字組及四字組重疊構詞可分成完全重疊與部分重疊,重疊詞要緊鄰其對應詞基越好,此外,對於四字組部分重疊構詞有對整方向不一致的體現,筆者認為不同的制約排序會產生不同的重疊規則,並採用音韻共存理論(Cophonology Theory)來解釋閩南語多元的重疊構詞策略是由多個次語法運作的結果。在三字組重疊構詞,根據句法結構判斷主重音的位置,主重音的分佈影響重疊的規則,但有語意強調某成份時,主重音會轉移且會使原成份之本調喪失變成輕聲,有主重音的音節才可進行重疊構詞,同時,重疊詞要越緊鄰其對應詞基。在四字組完全重疊構詞,語義的強調與弱化影響詞基音節以及音步的重疊運作,音節與音步制約層級不同可解釋不同的重疊規則;在四字組部分重疊構詞,不同於過去研究以單一方向對整制約論證,筆者提出雙向的對整制約來解釋四字組部分重疊構詞。簡言之,本篇論文藉由優選理論的觀點,首度就閩南語重疊構詞提出一個整體分析。 / This thesis examines the derivation of the reduplication in Taiwan Southern Min under the framework of Optimality Theory. Reduplication can be divided into two categories. One is trisyllabic reduplication and the other is quadrisyllabic reduplication. Besides, each type of the trisyllabic and quadrisyllabic reduplication has both partial and full reduplication. This thesis adopts Cophonology Theory to account for the subgrammar of the divergent reduplications. Based on Locality Generalization, the reduplicant should be adjacent to its corresponding base. In trisyllabic reduplication, from the perspective of syntactic relation, stress affects the derivation of the reduplication. The primary stressed syllable is the only syllable which can be reduplicated. This thesis proposes constraint *RED(W) to require this condition. In quadrisyllabic reduplication, given the base is disyllable AB, semantic weakness and stress closely relate to the full reduplication AABB and ABAB. The different ranking of the Adjacency-BR-by-syllable and Adjacency-BR-by-foot explains the full reduplication. In quadrisyllabic partial reduplication, this thesis proposes the different edges alignment constraint Align(RED, R; Rightmost Monosyllabic Morpheme, L) and Align(RED, L; Leftmost Monosyllabic Morpheme, R) to explain ABAC and ACBC, respectively. In summary, based on the constraint-based theory, and the interaction of Nonhead stress, Focal stress, *RED(W), alignment, anchoring, adjacency, and contiguity constraint, this thesis has given a general explanation of the reduplication in Taiwan Southern Min.
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以優選理論分析美濃客語陰平變調 / Yinping Tone Sandhi in Meinong Hakka: An OT Analysis童啟美, Tung, Chi-Mei Unknown Date (has links)
本文以優選理論的觀點分析美濃客語的陰平變調。討論可分為兩部分,首先,針對於變調的範疇,文章從句法與音韻的介面關係探討陰平變調的範疇,結果顯示陰平變調是以語調詞組(Intonational Phrase)作為變調的範疇,而這也為韻律結構的存在提供了證據。語調詞組的形成與感知單位(Sense Unit Condition)和重組(Restructuring)有密切的關係。另外,也探討了語調詞組中的特殊結構,發現語料支持Nespor & Vogel (1986)的假設,即特殊結構可以先形成一個獨立的語調詞組。
探討完變調範疇之後,將以優選理論進行分析。本文提出兩組制約:聲調制約和韻律制約。聲調制約著重在解釋變調的運作,而韻律制約則負責解釋變調範疇的劃分,這兩組制約不僅能解釋一般句子的變調,亦能對特殊結構的變調現象予以充分的說明。針對於變讀的情形,本文以並存音韻理論(Cophonology Theory)來作解釋,藉由*IP和ALIGN-R (Non-adjunct XP, IP)兩個制約的重新排序,得到變調與不變調兩種讀法的範疇的劃分。 / This thesis is aimed at analyzing Yinping tone sandhi in Meinong Hakka from the perspective of Optimality Theory. The discussion is divided into two parts. First, this thesis explores the tonal domain in terms of the interface of syntax and phonology. The analysis indicates that the tonal domain is founded on an intonational phrase. The formation of an intonational phrase is based on the Sense Unit Condition (Selkirk, 1984) and is closely related to restructuring (Nespor and Vogel, 1986). The special constructions of IPs are also investigated. The data supports the hypothesis proposed by Nespor and Vogel (1986), namely, that these special constructions have the privilege to form an isolated intonational phrase.
Secondly, Optimality Theory is adopted to analyze the data after exploring the tonal domain. Two set of constraints are proposed in this thesis. One is that of tonal constraints, which are mainly concerned with the processing of tone sandhi. The other is that of prosodic constraints, which are responsible for explaining the delimitation of the tonal domains of the data. The two sets of constraints can be used to account for the operation of the sandhi phenomena in ordinary sentences and also in special constructions. The alternative readings are explained by means of the re-ranking of *IP and ALIGN-R (Non-adjunct XP, IP) from the perspective of Cophonology Theory.
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從語料庫及優選理論分析台語中的日語借字 / Japanese Loanwords in Taiwanese: A Perspective from Corpus and Optimality Theory粘復真, Fuchen Nien Unknown Date (has links)
本篇論文從語料庫及優選理論,分析台語中的日語借字,探討兩個語言之間的音韻調整現象。
本研究建立一個日語借字語料庫,以數據資料佐證音段替代的趨向,釐清音段替代的主要性和次要性。統計發現,單一日語音段,雖然可能被不同的台語音段取代,但由於比例差距的懸殊,日語和台語音段的對應情形,大多可視為一對一的關係。至於一對二的對應情形,則可歸因於台語音韻限制,或是對於借字和來源字之間音徵保留的要求。
基於語料庫的數據,本篇從優選理論分析日語和台語間的音韻調整現象。音段替代方面,主要歸因於IDENT[feature],MAX,以及結構性制約(markedness constraint)之間的排序部署。另外,文中提出四個並存音韻,藉由調整MAX和IDENT[MR]之間,以及SHARE[back]和IDENT[anterior]之間的排序,解釋日語借字中的自由變異(free variation)現象。最後,受到IDENT[μ]和*[μμμ]的控制,相鄰兩個音節不會合併為一個,如果合併後發生音拍(mora)數量刪減或增加,或是產生一個含有二個音拍以上的音節。 / This thesis investigates the phonological adjustment of Japanese loanwords in Taiwanese.
A corpus is established, and the statistics are provided to observe the substitute tendency of each of the Japanese sources. The use of the statistics properly explains whether a corresponding Taiwanese segment is either a regular substitute or merely an exception. Most of the Japanese segments are in one-to-one mapping when they are borrowed into Taiwanese. Some Japanese segments are in one-to-two mapping, due to either Taiwanese phonotatics or feature preservation between the sources and the loans, such as the phenomenon of reconfiguration. Besides, two adjacent syllables will combine to one, if the vowels are syllabified as a VG sequence after combination; in that event, the second syllable does not end with a nasal coda. Moreover, a glottal stop will insert to a word-final position if the penultimate syllable in a loanword ends with a vowel or a non-sonorant consonant.
This analysis, based on the corpus, is conducted under the framework of Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004). For segmental substitutions, a set of IDENT[feature] is adopted to require the identity of certain features. The markedness constraints, regarding the segmental and place markedness and the Taiwanese phonotatics, are employed. High ranking of markedness constraints are responsible for adjustment of segments. Besides, re-rankings of SHARE[back] and IDENT[anterior] and MAX and IDENT[MR], are suggested. They are responsible for the substitutes that are in free variation. As for the contraction of syllables, it allows the loans and the sources to have the same numbers of moras. However, contraction is suspended, to prevent a syllable to have three or more moras.
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台灣漢語饒舌歌之節奏類型 / The Rhythmic Types of Chinese Raps in Taiwan熊芮華, Hsiung,Jui hua Unknown Date (has links)
本文以優選理論的觀點分析台灣漢語饒舌歌的節奏類型。主要論點包括三個部份:節拍對應、音節對應與韻句分析。本研究建立一個漢語饒舌歌語料庫,提出數據佐證分析,認為漢語饒舌歌的節奏類型不只一種,不同的節奏類型可透過並存音韻理論(Cophonology Theory)來解釋,另外,本文也提出浮動制約(Floating Constraints)來預測漢語饒舌歌中不同節奏型態出現的比例。在節拍對應方面,透過虛詞左向附著與其他制約的排序變化,可以篩選出音節與節拍不同的對應方式。在音節對應方面,當一韻句需要滿足簡單律時,就會產生音節跨越現象。而在韻句分析方面,透過左界對整(U,x)與其他制約的排序變化,可以預測兩韻句間之間隔1/2拍或1/4拍的例子。整體而言,本篇研究就漢語饒舌歌中豐富的節奏類型提出語料以及理論上的分析基準。 / This thesis analyzes the rhythmic structure of Chinese raps in Taiwan from the perspective of Optimality theory. Three factors are in order: the demibeats mapping, the syllable mapping and the utterance phrasing. The thesis adopts the corpus-based analysis. This thesis proposes that rhythmic variants can be accounted for through the constraint re-ranking in terms of the Cophonology Theory. The positing of floating constraints can then predict the percentages of the rhythmic variants. In demibeat mapping, the interaction between F-share-L(the left-adjunction of functors) and other constraints results in different ways of demibeat-syllable correspondence; in syllable mapping, Simplicity decides the syllable-straddling phenomenon. Finally, in utterance phrasing, the interaction between Align-L(U,x) and other constraints predicts different lengthens of the utterance breaks. To conclude, this thesis provided a corpus and theoretical basis for the rhythmic structures of Chinese raps.
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