在有關漢語聲調與英語輕重音的借字研究中，英語重音與漢語聲調的對應並不一致，因此，本篇研究分別從語料庫與優選理論的觀點，重新檢驗漢語借字中漢語聲調與英語輕重音的關係。觀察語料庫發現英語重音傾向與包含高音 (high pitch) 的聲調對應，因此本文提ANCHOR-L(H,σ) 和ANCHOR-R(H, σ) 制約，分別要求英語重音節的H音高要固定在對應音節聲調的左端或右端。在*[+voiced]/[+H]- 和 *[-voiced]/[-H]- 的制約下，輸出值呈現voice enhancement的效果。換句話說，*[+voiced]/[+H]- 制約要求含有聲聲母之英語重音節與低起始音域的聲調對應；*[-voiced]/[-H]- 制約要求含無聲聲母之英語重音節與高起始音域的聲調對應。含有聲聲母之英語重音節可能對應到高平調或中升調，制約層級的改變能預測之。若ANCHOR-L(H,σ)與ANCHOR-R(H,σ)支配*[+voiced]/[+H]- ，則高平調被選出，但是，若 *[+voiced]/[+H]- 支配ANCHOR-L(H,σ) 與 ANCHOR-R(H,σ)，則中升調被選出。在RELCORR制約的要求下，對應重音節聲調的左端調值不低於對應輕音節聲調的左端調值。 / The studies of Mandarin loanwords adapted from English have suggested different tonal preferences in correspondence to English stress. This thesis reexamines the relationship between stress and tone in the English-to-Mandarin loanwords based on a corpus and the Optimality Theory. Two anchoring constraints, ANCHOR-L(H,σ) and ANCHOR-R(H,σ) are proposed to require the realization of the pitch accent H of the English stressed syllables, indicating the fact that English stress prefers a tone with a high pitch. The *[+voiced]/[+H]- and *[-voiced]/[-H]- constraints show a pattern of voice enhancement. *[+voiced]/[+H]- requires an English stressed syllable with a voiced onset to be adapted with an initially low-registered tone; *[-voiced]/[-H]- requires an English stressed syllable with a voiceless onset to be adapted with an initially high-registered tone. In addition, constraint re-ranking predicts the alternatively choices between the H-tone and the MH-tone for an English stressed syllable with a voiced onset. The H-tone is selected if ANCHOR-L(H,σ)and ANCHOR-R(H,σ) outrank *[+voiced]/[+H]-; whereas the MH-tone is chosen if *[+voiced]/[+H]- dominates these two anchoring constraints. The RELCORR constraint requires a left-edge tonal correspondence, where the left-edge pitch of a tone that corresponds to an English stressed syllable is not lower than one that corresponds to an English unstressed syllable.

本文旨從語料庫觀點來探討漢語手指謠之節奏、重音及手指動作之韻律結構。本研究建立了四千一百七十二行的語料庫，並詳細標記句法、虛詞、重音、音節和音拍等。本文發現手指謠節奏以陽性節奏 (Masculine Rhythm) 居多，音拍共享 (Beat-sharing) 常發生在虛詞 (F Categories) 和直接成分 (Immediate Constituents)，以符合陽性節奏的原則；透過詩行模組 (Metrical Template) 可衍生出不同的節律類型。另一方面，本研究認為重音在漢語中確實有存在之必要，藉由重音極大值 (Stress Maximum) 的落點，可解釋語料庫中不符詩感 (Metricality) 的謠行。本文最後將重心轉向手指謠的物理動作節律，手指動作因配合兒童年齡之認知及肢體發展，概分為0-2歲、2-4歲及4-6歲三大階段，越小的兒童吟誦手指謠之速度較慢，手指動作也相對簡單細微。本文發現手指動作範疇乃藉由語調片語 (Intonational Phrase) 來進行切割，語調片語須與「意義單位」 (Sense Unit) 彼此對整。本文亦從「優選理論」(Optimality Theory) 的角度來探討此三大研究議題，分別從「節律語法」和「流動制約」(Floating Constraints) 的觀念，藉由制約層級的重新排序來體現漢語手指謠的節律變化。 / This thesis takes great efforts in the topics about rhythm, stress and prosodic structures of the finger movements in Mandarin finger rhymes. This research established a corpus with a total of 4172 lines, each of which is coded with word categories, syntax tree, simplified tree, the number of syllables, the number of demibeats, and the stress. First of all, the masculine rhythm is the most common in the corpus. The beat-sharing, the strategy to obtain the masculine rhythm, is largely found in the F categories and the immediate constituents. The metrical template is also needed to yield the different rhythm types. Second, stress plays an important role in Maindarin Chinese. The judgement of the metricality strictly follows the metrical positions on which a stress maximum falls. The emphasis is finally put to the finger movements. The finger movements are respectively designed for the children who are 0-2, 2-4 and 4-6 years old, with the different developments in the cognition and physiology. When young children recite a metrical line, the speech rate is not as fast as other elder children and the finger movements are simple and subtle. The prosodic domains of the movements are defined from the perspective of IPs, and each IP is a sense unit (Selkirk 1984). Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993, 2004) further covers these three research issues. The rhythm variations are vivid with the constraint re-rankings in terms of the metrics grammar and the floating constraints.

本論文評量臺灣學生國中三年對英文重音與語調的學習成果，並探討造成學生學習困難的原因。五，名高一學生唸相同兩篇對話和十名母語為英語的外藉人士比較。結果顯示可暗示說話者態度的調型對學生最難，一些特殊句型的調型次之，而普通句型的升、降調最容易。重音方面則以牽涉到英文節奏和前後文的重音型較難。 　　經由對比分析，發現英文本身的問題和中英文的差異都對學習不利。英文本身的問題包括重音與語調的多變性和書面表示方式的不足。中英文的差異包括音調的範圍、語調對單字發音的影響、訊息焦點的表示方式、態度的表示方式、音調的高低度、以及中文調型的干擾。另外，由五十位國中老師和五十位學生所回答的問卷結果也顯示一些教學上的因素也會造成某種程度的干擾。 　　文末對教學方法、教材以及老師和學生的教學均有建議，期望對英語教學的更臻完善有所幫助。 / This thesis evaluates Taiwan junior high school students' performances in English stress and intonation and uncovers some reasons causing students' learning difficulties.　Compared against ten native speakers' performances, forty students' performances in reading two dialogues are evaluated.　The results show that the contours with attitudinal meanings are more difficult for students than the contours of special grammatical constructions, which in turn are more difficult than ordinary falling and rising contours.　And students have more difficulties in the stress patterns involving English rhythm and discourse knowledge than those that do not. 　　Through contrastive analysis, we find intralingual and interlingual factors interfering with students' learning. Intralingual factors include the variability of English stress and intonation, and the deficiency in their representation.　Interlingual factors include the scope of pitch, the influence of intonation on citation forms, expressions of focus, expressions of attitudes, ranges of pitch, and interference from Mandarin contours.　Moreover, the results of two sets of questionnaires answered by fifty teachers and fifty students show some pedagogical factors also come into play. 　　Suggestions for teaching methods, teaching materials, teachers, and students are also given with a view to helping improve English teaching and learning.

本文以優選理論為框架探討閩南語三字組及四字組重疊構詞，三字組及四字組重疊構詞可分成完全重疊與部分重疊，重疊詞要緊鄰其對應詞基越好，此外，對於四字組部分重疊構詞有對整方向不一致的體現，筆者認為不同的制約排序會產生不同的重疊規則，並採用音韻共存理論(Cophonology Theory)來解釋閩南語多元的重疊構詞策略是由多個次語法運作的結果。在三字組重疊構詞，根據句法結構判斷主重音的位置，主重音的分佈影響重疊的規則，但有語意強調某成份時，主重音會轉移且會使原成份之本調喪失變成輕聲，有主重音的音節才可進行重疊構詞，同時，重疊詞要越緊鄰其對應詞基。在四字組完全重疊構詞，語義的強調與弱化影響詞基音節以及音步的重疊運作，音節與音步制約層級不同可解釋不同的重疊規則；在四字組部分重疊構詞，不同於過去研究以單一方向對整制約論證，筆者提出雙向的對整制約來解釋四字組部分重疊構詞。簡言之，本篇論文藉由優選理論的觀點，首度就閩南語重疊構詞提出一個整體分析。 / This thesis examines the derivation of the reduplication in Taiwan Southern Min under the framework of Optimality Theory. Reduplication can be divided into two categories. One is trisyllabic reduplication and the other is quadrisyllabic reduplication. Besides, each type of the trisyllabic and quadrisyllabic reduplication has both partial and full reduplication. This thesis adopts Cophonology Theory to account for the subgrammar of the divergent reduplications. Based on Locality Generalization, the reduplicant should be adjacent to its corresponding base. In trisyllabic reduplication, from the perspective of syntactic relation, stress affects the derivation of the reduplication. The primary stressed syllable is the only syllable which can be reduplicated. This thesis proposes constraint *RED(W) to require this condition. In quadrisyllabic reduplication, given the base is disyllable AB, semantic weakness and stress closely relate to the full reduplication AABB and ABAB. The different ranking of the Adjacency-BR-by-syllable and Adjacency-BR-by-foot explains the full reduplication. In quadrisyllabic partial reduplication, this thesis proposes the different edges alignment constraint Align(RED, R; Rightmost Monosyllabic Morpheme, L) and Align(RED, L; Leftmost Monosyllabic Morpheme, R) to explain ABAC and ACBC, respectively. In summary, based on the constraint-based theory, and the interaction of Nonhead stress, Focal stress, *RED(W), alignment, anchoring, adjacency, and contiguity constraint, this thesis has given a general explanation of the reduplication in Taiwan Southern Min.

本論文以優選理論探討上海話之入聲變調，試圖將文獻中所認為表現不規律之入聲變調納入與舒聲變調相容之分析中。本研究認為入聲變調與舒聲變調皆受制於ANCHOR-L(tσ1, Hd)，因此其首音節之基底聲調在輸出值中皆出現於重讀音節。以此觀之，則入聲變調與舒聲變調的差異主要在於節律重音的位置：在舒聲變調中首音節重讀；在入聲變調中重音則後移──在陰入變調中係移至第二音節，在陽入變調中則移至末音節。 本論文提出兩點假設：上海話中舒聲音節為重量音節，入聲音節為輕量音節；節律結構基本上為一位於左端之雙音節音步。據此，本研究提出COINCIDE (LightHd, FT-final)，認為陰入變調中重音所以後移至第二音節是因為重讀之輕量音節傾向於由音步末音節核可(licensing)。另一方面，由於陽入的單字調為曲拱調，與陰入的水平調有別，是以本研究另外提出COINCIDE(Contour, PrWd-final)，此制約顯示陽入變調中重音的遠距移位是為了遵行「曲拱調須由末音節核可」之普遍現象。 綜述之，本論文提供了一個重量音節、節律重音、曲拱調以及邊際位置等韻律顯著位置間彼此對映的實例。此外，本研究亦顯示上海話的連讀變調涉及聲調與重音的互動，是以所提出之分析或許對相關類型之研究亦有所貢獻。 / This thesis offers an Optimality-theory approach to the tone sandhi of checked tones (TSC) in Shanghai, in an attempt to regulate its surface patterns which have long been considered anomaly as opposed to the tone sandhi of smooth tones (TSS). With a reanalysis in the present study, TSC and TSS arguably have in common that their process of tone mapping is both subject to ANCHOR-L(tσ1, Hd), by which the un- derlying tone of the initial syllable ends up at the stressed syllable in the output. It follows that TSC is different from TSS in the way that metrical head is assigned: all domains undergoing TSS are stressed on their initial syllable; only in domains of TSC does the stress move rightwards, either to the second place in the tone sandhi of Yinru (TSYI), or to the final syllable in the tone sandhi of Yangru (TSYA). Given the assumption that checked syllables and smooth syllables in Shanghai are light and heavy, respectively, in terms of moraicity, and that foot-parsing is binary and left-aligned in general, the one-syllable shift of stress in TSYI can be accounted for by positing COINCIDE(LightHd, FT-final), which sets up the preference for light stress- bearing syllables to be licensed foot-finally. On the other hand, given that Yangru in the citation forms represents a rising contour, different from the level tone of Yinru, a licensing constraint, namely COINCIDE(Contour, PrWd-final), is further posited so that the long-distance movement of metrical head observed in TSYA emerges to satisfy the requirement for the retained rising contour to be licensed word-finally. Taken together, this thesis instantiates a remarkable case of the mapping among multiple prominent positions, including heavy syllables, metrical head, contour tones, and edge positions. Also, the present analysis demonstrates that Shanghai tone sandhi involves an interaction between tone and stress, thus a contribution to the general OT tone-prominence typology literature (cf. Zhang 2001, Barnes 2002, De Lacy 2002).

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