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長久以來，漢語中詞彙的並列關係已經受到許多漢語學者的注意。本文以大約可被認為是秦代之前成書的十本史書及子書作為研究資料，對當時詞彙的並列使用作一些研究。本文共分為六章。第一章是動機、範圍、材料及內容簡述。第二章對於「並列結構」一詞的界定作一鑑別標準及說明，並將以前學者的研究意見作整理。另外，也簡單說明並列結構的基本詞數是兩個單音詞。第三章討論並列結構的語法功用，發現並列結構在動詞組合和名詞組合之間的語法功用是不同的。而趨向動詞並列結構也可由其特徵分作五類。第四章說明詞序的情形。並列結構中有百分之十有詞序顛倒的情形。第五章研究聲韻對詞序的影響。我們發現，除了聲調以外，聲母和韻母也對詞序有影響。第六章是結論。

對華語學習者而言，漢字的諸多特性使漢字閱讀成為學習者面臨的難點之一，而華語聲調也是許多學習者在聽和說上的難點。閱讀為連結字形與字音，再對應至字義的過程，因此本文以華語學習者為對象，嘗試找出漢字閱讀與華語聲調之間的關係，以不同形式的聲調標記（tone marker）作為視覺提示及不同熟悉度（word familiarity）的詞彙作為操弄變項，使用眼動儀（eye-tracker）為實驗工具，設計閱讀理解作業，了解聲調標記及詞彙熟悉度對閱讀程度不同的華語學習者在閱讀時的影響。 實驗採完全受試者內設計，操弄三種聲調標記（聲調輪廓、聲調數字及中性刺激）的實驗句呈現方式與實驗句中的目標詞熟悉程度（高、低），記錄閱讀實驗句的眼動資料。實驗共分三階段進行，每一階段受試者需閱讀具相同聲調標記的實驗句，並回答隨機出現的理解題；研究同時輔以中文年級認字量表、LEAP-Q問卷及目標詞理解程度問卷三項工具來評定受試者客觀及主觀上的中文閱讀程度差異，以及主觀對操弄目標詞的理解程度。眼動資料包含整體性、區域性及以實驗句中每個詞為單位分析的三種眼動表現，並以閱讀能力為分析變項，比較閱讀能力高、低兩組眼動表現的異同。 研究發現無論學習者閱讀程度為何，皆可以穩定地看到熟悉度的效果，閱讀高熟悉度詞彙的速度較快，顯示熟悉度影響了閱讀歷程。而聲調標記的效果較不明顯，但是聲調標記對低程度組的影響較大，且在閱讀高熟悉度詞彙時，添加帶有較多資訊的聲調輪廓標記可能是一種干擾，反之在閱讀低熟悉度詞彙時，可以幫助學習者辨識字詞。而在中文年級認字量表的結果中，有部分學習者容易將字唸為含有該字雙字詞的另一個字（蝶唸為蝴），這可能與學習者傾向以詞彙為單位記憶有關，因此本文也在最後進行詞素教學的相關討論，並針對華語學習者提出教學建議。

在語言學文獻上，對於音段在連併音節上的研究已非常眾多且詳細。而目前也有不少學者開始處理音節連併的超音段(聲調)部分，但是大多數研究是從音韻學的觀點。本文試圖從聲學語音學的角度，檢驗連併音節的產生與說話者的速度、說話者對內容熟悉度之間的關係；及分析連併音節的基頻與其音節長度。實驗統計結果證實說話者的速度與內容熟悉度的確與連併音節成正相關。三名以台灣地區的國語為母語的受試者，被要求分別錄製五段短文，各短文裡分別有數十個可能產生雙音節連併的詞組。在連併音節的基頻分析結果顯示，呈現出些微降調及升調兩種調型。我們並且發現，連併前的聲調起始值(onset)為產生連併聲調的最佳基本單位，我們也歸納出兩條規則來加以解釋。另外，在連併音節的長度分析結果顯示，連併音節所需的時間單位比起一般音節更短。綜合以上結果，我們暸解除了可經由規則推論出連併音節的調型之外，在語音的面向上，這些連併聲調皆呈現出較窄的調域、居中的調值和較短時間等的特徵。因此從本研究的結果顯示，我們較傾向支持連併音節是類似於輕重音表現的說法，而不再局限於本身的調值的衍算與否。另外，對於在我們分析過程所發現伴隨著連併音節的鼻音現象，證明了一般認為在快速語流中，共同發音所產生的自然現象，也給予了認為鼻音是另屬一個自主音段的說法更進一步的實證支持。 / Segment deletion or merger in contracted syllables has been well understood in the literature. Several researchers have also been investigating the tones in contracted syllables. However, most of their researches are based on phonology. The present study analyzes the tones in disyllabic contraction by examining its relationship with speech rate and familiarity. It also analyzes the fundamental frequency (F0) and duration of the contracted tones. An experiment was conducted to explore the idea that familiarity with the test materials and the rate of speech correlate positively with the occurrences of tone contraction. Three native speakers of Mandarin Chinese (in Taiwan region) recorded five paragraphs, each of which contains dozens of possible disyllabic contractions. Analysis of F0 reveals that there are basically two types of tonal shapes of contracted syllables—slightly falling and rising; and the onsets of the original syllable tonal units are the most adequate portions of forming a contracted tone. Two governing rules were generalized from various the findings of the experiments. Results of duration indicate less time is taken by a contracted syllable than an uncontracted one. The findings of this study provide support for the view that the contours of the contracted tones are predicted by rules. They also show that much of the variability of F0 contours in contracted syllables exhibits a fixed tonal pattern (narrower pith range, more middle tonal height, and shorter length) and that contracted tones has an accentual character in essence. In addition, the nasality accompanying contracted syllables in this study provides testimony to the natural co-occurrence of nasal and oral features in fast speech and at the same time also give support to the hypothesis that nasality acts on a separate autosegmental tier.

本文主要探討中文聲調在口語字彙觸接過程中所扮演的角色。實驗一藉由眼動實驗中的Visual World Paradigm作業，觀察中文聲調影響口語字彙辨識的時序歷程。受試者在聽到指導語和目標字之後，用滑鼠在螢幕上點選聽到的目標字，例如，螢幕上出現的字包含一個目標字：「摸」、一個競爭字(與目標字只有聲調相同：「挖」或是與目標字只有音段相同：「抹」)，以及兩個聲調與音段和目標字完全不同的無關字：「怒」、「菊」。為了觀察目標字、競爭字及無關字在口語字彙處理時的競爭，我們會計算各個字彙的凝視比例。實驗一中由於聲調與目標字相同的競爭字與目標字的第一個音段就開始產生差異，因此未觀察到聲調早期介入的影響。實驗二透過與實驗一相同的實驗程序及方法，操弄目標字和競爭字中聲調和前兩個音段(Cohort)的異同以探測更早期的聲調影響。螢幕呈現包含一個目標字「湯」、一個競爭字(前兩個音段和聲調皆與目標字相同：「胎」，或是只有前兩個音段相同但聲調與目標字不同：「泰」)，以及兩個聲調與音段和目標字完全不同的無關字「剖」、「痕」。結果顯示，聲調在語音訊息前兩個音段時就會產生影響，也就是聲調的影響在語音結束前即有作用。再者，本文發現聲調無法單獨且獨立地對於語音辨識產生影響，此看法與聲調表徵需以“toneme” node獨立地存在於the modified TRACE model的看法不盡相同 (Malins & Joanisse, 2010; Ye & Connine, 1999; Zhao, Guo, Zhou, & Shu, 2011)。 / The present study aims to examine the role of tonal information during Mandarin Chinese spoken character recognition. Two eye-tracking experiments were conducted with the visual world paradigm, which participants heard a Chinese monosyllabic character and used a mouse to click on the corresponding character in a visual array of 4 characters on the screen. Experiment 1 manipulated the relationship between the spoken target characters and written characters on the screen, including a target (e.g., /mɔ1/‘touch’), a tonal competitor (the tone was the same as target except segment: e.g., /wa1/‘dig’) or a segmental competitor (the segmental structure was the same with the target except tone: e.g., /mɔ3/ ‘wipe’), and two unrelated distractors (the segments and tone were different from target: e.g., /nu4/ ‘anger’, and /tɕy2/ ‘chrysanthemum’). The fixation proportions on target, competitors and the unrelated distractors were computed during the unfolding of the auditory target stimuli. The results showed tonal difference was detected before the end of auditory stream. However, no early involvement of tonal information was found, which may due to the tonal competitor and target shared no segment from the first phoneme. In order to examine the earlier tonal processing, Experiment 2 manipulated two types of cohort competitors sharing the initial two segments with the target (e.g., /tʰɑŋ1/ “soup”), a cohort-tone competitor, e.g., /tʰaj1/ “fetus” (both tone and initial two segments are the same with target) and a cohort-only competitor e.g., /tʰaj4/ “peaceful” (initial two segments is the same with the target but with different tone). Result showed that tone affected spoken character recognition while processing the two initial segments. In addition, tone could not affect spoken character processing independently, which might be inconsistent with the assumption that tone is a separate level of representation, called “toneme” node, in the modified TRACE model (Malins & Joanisse, 2010; Ye & Connine, 1999; Zhao et al., 2011).

在有關漢語聲調與英語輕重音的借字研究中，英語重音與漢語聲調的對應並不一致，因此，本篇研究分別從語料庫與優選理論的觀點，重新檢驗漢語借字中漢語聲調與英語輕重音的關係。觀察語料庫發現英語重音傾向與包含高音 (high pitch) 的聲調對應，因此本文提ANCHOR-L(H,σ) 和ANCHOR-R(H, σ) 制約，分別要求英語重音節的H音高要固定在對應音節聲調的左端或右端。在*[+voiced]/[+H]- 和 *[-voiced]/[-H]- 的制約下，輸出值呈現voice enhancement的效果。換句話說，*[+voiced]/[+H]- 制約要求含有聲聲母之英語重音節與低起始音域的聲調對應；*[-voiced]/[-H]- 制約要求含無聲聲母之英語重音節與高起始音域的聲調對應。含有聲聲母之英語重音節可能對應到高平調或中升調，制約層級的改變能預測之。若ANCHOR-L(H,σ)與ANCHOR-R(H,σ)支配*[+voiced]/[+H]- ，則高平調被選出，但是，若 *[+voiced]/[+H]- 支配ANCHOR-L(H,σ) 與 ANCHOR-R(H,σ)，則中升調被選出。在RELCORR制約的要求下，對應重音節聲調的左端調值不低於對應輕音節聲調的左端調值。 / The studies of Mandarin loanwords adapted from English have suggested different tonal preferences in correspondence to English stress. This thesis reexamines the relationship between stress and tone in the English-to-Mandarin loanwords based on a corpus and the Optimality Theory. Two anchoring constraints, ANCHOR-L(H,σ) and ANCHOR-R(H,σ) are proposed to require the realization of the pitch accent H of the English stressed syllables, indicating the fact that English stress prefers a tone with a high pitch. The *[+voiced]/[+H]- and *[-voiced]/[-H]- constraints show a pattern of voice enhancement. *[+voiced]/[+H]- requires an English stressed syllable with a voiced onset to be adapted with an initially low-registered tone; *[-voiced]/[-H]- requires an English stressed syllable with a voiceless onset to be adapted with an initially high-registered tone. In addition, constraint re-ranking predicts the alternatively choices between the H-tone and the MH-tone for an English stressed syllable with a voiced onset. The H-tone is selected if ANCHOR-L(H,σ)and ANCHOR-R(H,σ) outrank *[+voiced]/[+H]-; whereas the MH-tone is chosen if *[+voiced]/[+H]- dominates these two anchoring constraints. The RELCORR constraint requires a left-edge tonal correspondence, where the left-edge pitch of a tone that corresponds to an English stressed syllable is not lower than one that corresponds to an English unstressed syllable.

正常人的語誤中可以取得在心理語言上何為音韻單位的證據，近來有許多針對失語症的病人語誤的研究，發現失語症病人的語誤也可當做測試語言表徵的重要來源資料。 　　本研究針對失語症病人在聲調方面表現，做聲調錯誤頻率分佈、語境影響錯誤、以及錯誤方向種類之分析 然後將整失語症病人聲調表現的分析跟心理語言學語言產出機制作連結。 　　本研究結果顯示，漢語失語症病人聲調表現上第四生錯誤雖然最多，但第四聲在漢語裡原本出現的頻率就最高，所以第四聲不應被認為對失語症病人最為困難。而第三聲雖然在漢語裡出現頻率最低，卻佔了失語症病人聲調錯誤頻率第二高位，因此我們判斷第三聲對失語症病人來說是最為困難的聲調。第二，我們發現漢語失語症病人聲調錯誤受語境影響比正常人低。第三，漢語失語症病人聲調錯誤裡，語境影響語誤之方向性中，錯誤來源在語誤出現前類型較多。第四，我們發現Dell的連續模型(connectionist model)，可以解釋失語症病人在聲調錯誤類型偏好原因。 / Naturally occurring speech errors have been used as evidence for testing the psychological reality of phonological units. A number of researchers start to look at evidence from aphasic speech for testing linguistic representation so the phenomena of aphasia provide tests of the validity of certain aspects of linguistic theory. 　　In this thesis, tone errors made by aphasics were examined and related overall analyses to psycholinguistic models of speech production. In light of the analysis of tone frequency in Mandarin written texts and oral data and tone errors produced by aphasics, relating issues concerning the research questions we put forward were elucidated. First, it seems that tone 4 is the most problematic tone for the aphasics in terms of error rate since tone 4 occurs the most often in errors. However, tone 4 errors intrinsically will occur more that other three tones because of its highest incidence in Mandarin. Thus, tone 4 may not be taken as the most difficult tone for aphasics merely from its high error rate. Second, the results indicated that non-contextual errors constitute most of the aphasic errors. Third, it has been shown that perseveration is a cross-linguistic feature of aphasia. Fourth, Dell’s connectionist model is proved to be able to account for and make predictions about the error patterns found in both aphasic and normal speech.

本文旨在探討華語焦點變調，並以青年語者為主。本文分別檢驗三種不同的句型，第一類為焦點助動詞和焦點副詞，第二類為平坦結構，第三類則是其它類型的句子。在優選理論的架構下，本文分別提出韻律制約和聲調制約來詮釋華語的焦點變調。筆者透過並存音韻理論(Cophonology Theory)來說明焦點韻律結構的劃分是多個次語法的運作結果。焦點韻律結構的劃分有兩種，主要由(ALIGN-L(F, FP), ALIGN-L(FP, Ft))和(ALIGN-R(F, FP), ALIGN-R(FP, Ft))這兩組可移動的對整制約來決定，當它們在制約排序中移動到不同的位置時會形成不同的韻律結構劃分。本研究發現焦點詞組等同於語調詞組，因此提出另一個對整制約ALIGN-E(FP, IP)來解釋。排序最高的韻律制約則是[FTMIN & NON-FINALITY]，目的在於避免單音節音步出現在句末。至於聲調制約，筆者採用IDENT-BOT來處理三音節音步的變調結果。此外，焦點韻律結構的劃分會造成兩個相鄰的上聲出現在不同的音步之中，OCP-L(ft)可以確保此形式的保留。簡言之，本文藉由優選理論的觀點，以及韻律制約和聲調制約的互動，對華語焦點變調提出了一個整體分析。 / This thesis examines Mandarin focal tone sandhi among Taiwan youngsters. Three types of sentences are under investigation: Type A includes the focused auxiliary verbs and adverbs in a simple sentence, Type B the flat structure, and Type C the other types of structures. Under the framework of Optimality Theory, this thesis proposes prosodic constraints and tonal constraints to account for Mandarin focal tone sandhi. This thesis adopts Cophonology Theory to explain the subgrammars of focal phrasings. There are two types of focal phrasing patterns governed by the reranking of two sets of alignment constraints (ALIGN-L(F, FP), ALIGN-L(FP, Ft)) and (ALIGN-R(F, FP), ALIGN-R(FP, Ft)). The focal phrase pertains to a special kind of intonational phrase. This thesis proposes ALIGN-E(FP, IP) to explain this condition. The undominated constraint, [FTMIN & NON-FINALITY], is proposed to ban a monosyllabic foot in sentence-final positions. IDENT-BOT is adopted to deal with the tri-tonal strings such as (σ(σσ)) and ((σσ)σ) in non-focal and focal readings. In addition, focal phrasing may force adjacent L tones to appear in different feet. OCP-L(ft) is proposed to explain this situation. To conclude, based on the constraint-based theory, and the interaction of prosodic constraints and tonal constraints, this thesis has provided a theoretical generalization of Mandarin focal tone sandhi.

國語二聲在文獻上多被描述為一調值35的高升調。然而近來不少學者發現台灣地區的國語二聲在閩南語/國語雙語語者族群中有變異的現象：一是323的降升調，二是接近31的低降調。文獻顯示這可能與語言背景(Lo, 2004)和地區(H. J. Hsu,2004)有關。然而對於國語單語語者的研究並不多。此外，性別、母音、聲調環境和句中位置也有可能影響聲調的變異。因此，本研究旨在調查台灣地區的聲調變異現象，藉由語音學實驗的方式，探究國語二聲的變異和語言背景（閩語/國語雙語語者或國語單語語者）的關係。並進一步探討其與社會因素：地區（北、中、南）、性別和語言學因素：母音、聲調環境和句中位置的關係。受試者以17-27歲的年輕族群為主。結果發現台灣地區的年輕人普遍以平調（中平調或低平調）(level)作為二聲變異的主要變體，另一較少數的變體則為低升調(low-rising)，低降調在本研究中並不明顯。這些二聲變體有可能是受到整體調域向下縮窄的影響。而閩語/國語雙語語者的確發出較多的聲調變異，特別是低升調，這可能是受到閩語聲調系統的影響。地區、性別，以及母音、聲調環境和句中位置都會影響二聲變異。本研究進一步證實二聲的聲調變異在台灣年輕族群中的發展，支持了台灣地區國語的調域縮窄的現況。 / Mandarin Tone 2 is canonically described as a high rising tone. However, recently, T2 in Taiwan was found to have other contour types: the dipping contour (323) and falling (31) variants (Fon, 1997; H. J. Hsu, 2004), with the former being considered as a normal rising tone, but the later totally losing the rising feature. Those were all found in Taiwanese (Tw)-Taiwan Mandarin(TM) bilinguals. The reasons causing this tonal variation is supposed to be relating to the language backgrounds and other social and linguistic factors from previous studies. However, no study has confirmed those correlated factors, especially the comparison between Tw-TM bilinguals and TM monolinguals. This study thus aims to discover what the T2 variation is and where it occurs. By sampling 24 subjects, aged 17-27, with half Tw-TM bilinguals and half TM monolinguals, we conducted three experiments to test the T2 in different contexts. Results showed that instead of the falling variant, more speakers produced a level variant and a small amount of low-rising variant. Besides, the bilinguals did produce more T2 variations than the monolinguals. The results indicated that language background does affect the T2 variation among young speakers in Taiwan. Moreover, the high percentage of the Level variant support the finding of a narrower tonal range of TM, compared to the standard Mandarin. Other factors, such as genders, regions, vowels, tonal environments and sentence positions were also found to have influence on T2 variations.