本論文旨在探討閩南語的三種變調: (1)形容詞重疊變調 , (2) -a後綴變調,和 (3) 輕聲變調. 形容詞重疊變調是在 McCarthy & Prince (1986, 1990) 等人所發展出來的韻律構詞學( Prosodic Morphology) 理論框架下重新分析. 作者認為形容詞三疊是由抑揚格音步前綴而來, 而不是江文瑜教授(1992)所說的音節後綴; 此外,聲調扮演了構詞功能的角色. -a 後綴變調則是運用字構音韻學( Lexical Phonology)理論來分析的. 根據黃宣範教授(1988) 和連金發先生(1995)對-a後綴構詞特性的分類, 作者將-a後綴重新分為六類. 再觀察它們與音韻規則的互動關係, 主張-a後綴構應分屬於三個字構層次中, 此理論的層級排列( Level Ordering) 和嚴格循環論( Strict Cyclicity)也在本章獲得證實. 輕聲變調是採用韻律音韻學(Prosodic Phonology) 來分析的. 作者認為輕聲有兩個規律: 浮游低調展延和原調展延, 且運作於一個(強起)( left-leaded)的音韻片語中, 如此一來,簡化了煩雜的青聲句法結構. 兩個輕聲規律的不同展現於展延節點,方向,屬性,音節數目等方面. 本章的分析技巧也支持了韻律體係在語言系統中的必要性 / This thesis explores three kinds of special tone sandhi in Southern Min: (i) reduplicated adjective tone sandhi, (ii) -a suffix tone sandhi, and (iii)neutral tone sandhi. Reduplicated adjective tone sandhi is analyzed within the framework of prosodic morphology (McCarthy and Prince 1986, 1990). Unlike Chiang's (1992)suffix syllable template, the author argues that AAA is reduplicated by theprefixation of an iambic template.Following Yip (1980), tone may play a morphological role. -a suffix is discussed from the perspective of lehor argues that AAxical phonology. According to the morphological functions figured from Lien (1995) and Huang (1988), six categories of the suffix -a are distinguished. Through the interactions of morphological and phonological rules, the concepts of levelordering and strict cyclicity in lexical phonology are proved necessary in this language. Neutral tone sandhi is investigated in terms of prosodic phonology. Theauthor argues that the domain of neutral tone sandhi is a left-headed phonological phrase, which is more economical than previous syntactic approaches (Cheng 1968; Hong 1995). There are two neutral tone rules: thefloting low tone spreading and the base tone spreading. They are differentin spreading node, direction, order and so on. The analysis supports Yip'stwo-tiered tonal geometry andcallsfor the need of prosodic Hierachy in thelinguistic system.

論文提要內容：（共一冊，17770字，分六章） 本研究用雙音節詞來探討不同音段和聲調在臺灣華語的口語詞彙辨識歷程中的重要性。Cohort模型（1978）非常強調詞首訊息的重要性，然而Merge模型（2000）認為訊息輸入和音韻表徵的整體吻合才是最重要的。因此，本研究企圖探索不同音段和詞首詞尾在臺灣華語的口語詞彙辨識歷程中的重要性。然而，聲調的問題並無在先前的模型裡被討論。因此，聲調在臺灣華語的口語詞彙辨識歷程中所扮演的角色也會在本研究中被討論。另外，詞頻效應也會在本研究中被探索。本研究的三個實驗均由同樣的十五名受試者參加。實驗一是測試不同音段在臺灣華語的口語詞彙辨識歷程中的重要性。實驗一操弄十二個雙音節高頻詞和十二個雙音節低頻詞，每一個雙音節詞的每一個音段都分別被噪音擋住。實驗二是在探索詞首和詞尾在臺灣華語的口語詞彙辨識歷程中的重要性。實驗二操弄十二個雙音節高頻詞和十二個雙音節低頻詞。這些雙音節詞的詞首CV或詞尾VG/N都分別被雜音擋住。實驗三操弄二十四個雙音節高頻詞和二十四個雙音節低頻詞。這些雙音節詞的聲調都被拉平到100赫茲。在這三個實驗中，受試者必須聽這些被操弄過的雙音節詞，並且辨認它們。受試者的反應時間和辨詞的準確率都用E-Prime來記錄。實驗結果顯示，傳統的Cohort模型不能被完全支持，因為詞首訊息被噪音擋住的詞仍能被受試者成功的辨識出來。強調聲音訊息和音韻表徵的整體吻合度的Merge模型，比較能解釋實驗的結果。然而，Merge模型必須要加入韻律節點才能處理臺灣華語的聲調辨識的問題。本研究也顯示，雙音節詞的第一個音節的母音在口語詞彙辨識歷程中是最重要的，而雙音節詞的第二個音節的母音是第二重要的。這是因為母音帶了最多訊息，包括聲調。另外，雙音節詞的詞首和詞尾在臺灣華語的口語詞彙辨識歷程中是扮演差不多重要的角色。母音對於聲調的感知是最重要的。詞頻效應也完全表現在臺灣華語的口語詞彙辨識歷程中。 關鍵詞：口語詞彙辨識歷程、臺灣華語、華語聲調、音段、Cohort模型、Merge模型 / The present study investigated the importance of different segments and the importance of tone in spoken word recognition in Taiwan Mandarin by using isolated disyllabic words. Cohort model (1978) emphasized the absolute importance of the initial information. On the contrary, Merge (2000) proposed that the overall match between the input and the phonological representation is the most crucial. Therefore, this study tried to investigate the importance of different segments and the importance of onsets and offsets in the processing of Mandarin spoken words. However, the issues of tone were not included in the previous models. Thus, the importance of tone was also investigated in this study. The issues about frequency effect were also explored here. Three experiments were designed in this study. Fifteen subjects were invited to participate in all three experiments. Experiment 1 was designed to investigate the importance of different segments in Taiwan Mandarin. In experiment 1, 12 high-frequency disyllabic words and 12 low-frequency disyllabic words were selected. Each segment of each disyllabic word was replaced by the hiccup noise. Experiment 2 was designed to investigate the importance of onsets and offsets. In experiment 2, 12 high-frequency disyllabic words and 12 low-frequency disyllabic words were chosen. The CV of the first syllable and the VG/N of the second syllable were replaced by the hiccup noise. Experiment 3 was designed to investigate the importance of Mandarin tones. In experiment 3, 24 high-frequency disyllabic words and 24 low-frequency disyllabic words were selected. The tones of the disyllabic words were leveled to 100 Hz. In the three experiments, subjects listened to the stimuli and recognized them. The reaction time and accuracy were measured by E-Prime. The results indicated that traditional Cohort model cannot be fully supported because words can still be correctly recognized when word initial information is disruptive. Merge model, which proposed that the overall match between the input and the lexical representation is the most important, was more compatible with the results here. However, Merge model needs to include the prosody nodes, so that it can account for the processing of tones in Taiwan Mandarin. In addition, the current study also showed that the first vowel of the disyllabic word is the most crucial and the second vowel of the disyllabic word is the second influential since the vowel carries the most important information, including tones. The results of experiment 2 demonstrated that the onsets and offsets are almost the same important in Mandarin. Furthermore, vowel is the most influential segment for the perception of Mandarin tones. Finally, frequency effect appeared in the processing of Mandarin words. Keywords: spoken word recognition, Taiwan Mandarin, Mandarin tones, segments, Cohort, Merge

本論文以優選理論探討上海話之入聲變調，試圖將文獻中所認為表現不規律之入聲變調納入與舒聲變調相容之分析中。本研究認為入聲變調與舒聲變調皆受制於ANCHOR-L(tσ1, Hd)，因此其首音節之基底聲調在輸出值中皆出現於重讀音節。以此觀之，則入聲變調與舒聲變調的差異主要在於節律重音的位置：在舒聲變調中首音節重讀；在入聲變調中重音則後移──在陰入變調中係移至第二音節，在陽入變調中則移至末音節。 本論文提出兩點假設：上海話中舒聲音節為重量音節，入聲音節為輕量音節；節律結構基本上為一位於左端之雙音節音步。據此，本研究提出COINCIDE (LightHd, FT-final)，認為陰入變調中重音所以後移至第二音節是因為重讀之輕量音節傾向於由音步末音節核可(licensing)。另一方面，由於陽入的單字調為曲拱調，與陰入的水平調有別，是以本研究另外提出COINCIDE(Contour, PrWd-final)，此制約顯示陽入變調中重音的遠距移位是為了遵行「曲拱調須由末音節核可」之普遍現象。 綜述之，本論文提供了一個重量音節、節律重音、曲拱調以及邊際位置等韻律顯著位置間彼此對映的實例。此外，本研究亦顯示上海話的連讀變調涉及聲調與重音的互動，是以所提出之分析或許對相關類型之研究亦有所貢獻。 / This thesis offers an Optimality-theory approach to the tone sandhi of checked tones (TSC) in Shanghai, in an attempt to regulate its surface patterns which have long been considered anomaly as opposed to the tone sandhi of smooth tones (TSS). With a reanalysis in the present study, TSC and TSS arguably have in common that their process of tone mapping is both subject to ANCHOR-L(tσ1, Hd), by which the un- derlying tone of the initial syllable ends up at the stressed syllable in the output. It follows that TSC is different from TSS in the way that metrical head is assigned: all domains undergoing TSS are stressed on their initial syllable; only in domains of TSC does the stress move rightwards, either to the second place in the tone sandhi of Yinru (TSYI), or to the final syllable in the tone sandhi of Yangru (TSYA). Given the assumption that checked syllables and smooth syllables in Shanghai are light and heavy, respectively, in terms of moraicity, and that foot-parsing is binary and left-aligned in general, the one-syllable shift of stress in TSYI can be accounted for by positing COINCIDE(LightHd, FT-final), which sets up the preference for light stress- bearing syllables to be licensed foot-finally. On the other hand, given that Yangru in the citation forms represents a rising contour, different from the level tone of Yinru, a licensing constraint, namely COINCIDE(Contour, PrWd-final), is further posited so that the long-distance movement of metrical head observed in TSYA emerges to satisfy the requirement for the retained rising contour to be licensed word-finally. Taken together, this thesis instantiates a remarkable case of the mapping among multiple prominent positions, including heavy syllables, metrical head, contour tones, and edge positions. Also, the present analysis demonstrates that Shanghai tone sandhi involves an interaction between tone and stress, thus a contribution to the general OT tone-prominence typology literature (cf. Zhang 2001, Barnes 2002, De Lacy 2002).

在前人的研究中，已透過音韻規則的角度分析梅縣客語 (Meixian Hakka) 和曼谷客語 (Bangkok Hakka)， 但仍有部分疑問未獲得合理解釋。諸如：部分聲調不會受變調規則(Tone sandhi)的影響、變調的觸發條件以及本調 (Citation tone) 和變調間結構上的關係等。 有鑒於此，本研究透過優選理論 (Optimality theory, OT) 重新分析梅縣客語和曼谷客語。 上述兩個方言有兩種變調的方式 : 同化(assimilation)和異化(dissimilation)。在此基礎上，為了更準確的描述變調現象，本研究在分析上主要採用必要性起伏原則 (obligatory contour principle) 和避免起伏原則 (no-jumping principle)，並應用聯合制約 (Constraint Conjunction approach) 的概念。採取此分析方式的理由在於分析對象的變調具有相當有標(marked)且受限於中心詞(head)右端音節的聲調。此外，本研究也採用一部分比聲調結構性制約(tonal markedness constraint)更高排序的信實性制約(faithfulness constraint)。這些制約會導致部分聲調或變調結構不受變調規則影響，例如：調域 (register) 和聲調的起點 (initial target) 將保留原始樣貌。 研究結果指出，聲調結構性制約和數個排序最高的聲調信實性制約能更準確地呈現梅縣客語和曼谷客語在變調時，輸入值與輸出值之間的對應關係 (input-output correspondence)。在論文結尾，筆者將綜覽本研究並提出未來可繼續延伸的相關議題。 / The grammar of Meixian and Bangkok Hakka tone sandhi has been analyzed from a rule based approach. Nevertheless, there are some questions and details that could not be solved by the analysis, such as the status of tones that do not undergo sandhi, triggers of the tone sandhi, and the structural relation between citation tones and their sandhi counterparts. Thus, the purpose of this study is to re-analyze the tone sandhi in Meixian and Bangkok Hakka under the constraint based framework, Optimality Theory (OT). There are two mechanisms of tonal alternations in the two dialects’ tone sandhi: assimilation, and dissimilation. So in order to capture the tonal alternations, the current analysis applies the concepts of the Obligatory Contour Principle, and the No-Jumping Principle. The constraints generated according to these principles work well with the application of the Constraint Conjunction approach. The conjoined constraints are needed since the tone alternations are highly marked, and depend a lot on the head/right syllable tone. Furthermore, this thesis also posits several faithfulness constraints that rank higher than the tone sandhi markedness constraint. The high ranked faithfulness constraints govern the preservation of several tones from any alternation, and preservation of some structures of the citation tones when they become sandhi tones (i.e. register and initial target). In conclusion, the positing of tone sandhi markedness constraints and undominated identity constraints presents a better input-output correspondence relation of the tone sandhi phenomena in Meixian and Bangkok Hakka. To conclude the thesis, a brief summary of the study and possible further issues are presented.

本論文以優選理論分析六家饒平客語和寧都田頭客語雙音節詞之連讀變調，並藉由聲調內部結構說明變調的動機。在六家饒平客語方面，主要是呈現位置變調(positional tone sandhi)，較有標(more marked)的聲調位於前字時發生變調。另外，此方言的陽平和陽去因歷史演變，兩者的本調(citation tone)同為HH，但兩者因不同的變調形式而產生不同的變調(sandhi tone)。陽去的變調形式為位置變調，而陽平的變調形式為環境變調(contextual tone sandhi)。本文採用聯合制約(Local Constraint Conjunction)捕捉環境變調制約運作的環境。另外，運用「詞素特定音韻」(morpheme-specific phonology)標記聯合制約，解釋陽平和陽去不同的變調規則。在寧都田頭客語方面，變調受詞法結構影響，且兩個音節皆有可能發生變調。本文利用標記制約理論(indexed constraints approach)解釋不同結構的變調情形。另藉由位置信實制約不同的排序，嘗試說明聲調的保留屬於類型差異(typological differences)。而此方言的變調類型包含位置變調和環境變調，同樣要求較有標的聲調改變，並使用聯合制約說明在環境變調的情況下制約運作的環境。 / This thesis investigates the tone sandhi in Liujia Raoping Hakka and Ningdu Tiantou Hakka under the framework of Optimality Theory. The internal structure of the tone reveals the motivation and the mechanism of tone sandhi. In terms of the tone sandhi in Liujia Raoping Hakka, the universal tonal markedness tendency could be regarded as the motivation triggering the positional tone sandhi in the left syllable. Moreover, the morpheme-specific phonology is adapted to account for the tone sandhi of historical merged tones, Yangping and Yangqu. Yangping and Yangqu are both high level tones; however, they display different tone sandhi patterns. Yangping displays the contextual tone sandhi whereas Yangqu displays the positional tone sandhi. Local conjunction constraints are posited to restrict markedness constraints to specific contexts in order to account for the mechanism of contextual tone sandhi. On the other hand, in terms of the tone sandhi in Ningdu Tiantou Hakka, the tone sandhi is construction sensitive and takes place in both syllables. The indexed constraint approach is adopted to explain the tone sandhi in different constructions. In addition, the preservation of tone is argued to be the typological difference according to different rankings of the positional faithfulness constraints. Finally, the tonal markedness tendency motivates the positional tone sandhi and the conjoined constraints are posited to govern the contextual tone sandhi in this dialect.