本論文探討法語借詞進入國語音韻系統時所採取的音韻調整策略，並從優選理論和語料庫的角度來分析借詞現象，主軸為法語子音和鼻母音的調整模式。 本研究建置一個法語借詞語料庫，並統計音段保留、替代、或刪除的趨向。研究發現，音段保留與調整為主要的轉譯策略，唯有韻尾子音[ʁ]傾向於刪除。數據分析顯示法語借詞中的語言變異(variation)極為普遍，此現象說明國語中的法語借詞尚未完全詞彙化 (lexicalization)，而是仍在持續進行。因此本論文採用ROE模型 (rank-ordering model of EVAL, Coetzee 2006)來解釋法語借詞轉譯的變異現象。 法語音段的調整現象和變異情形可訴諸於制約的排序與互動。根據ROE模型，制約係以中界線(cut-off line)加以區隔，違反中界線以上的候選值會直接淘汰，而僅違反中界線以下的候選值皆可成為優選值。本研究發現，中界線以上的制約包含結構制約、信實制約、以及聯合制約(conjoined constraint);中界線以下的制約則多為信實制約。音韻表徵(phonological features)如[labial]與[nasal]在轉譯的過程中必須保留，而是否違反[voice]與[spread glottis]等表徵僅會造成語言變異。 制約的交錯排序、互動，以及中界線的位置對於法語借詞的現象提出了解釋。借詞音韻並非自成一個系統，而是反映了借入語和普遍語法皆存在的制約。 / This thesis investigates the phonological adaptations of French loanwords in Mandarin. The focus is on the loanword adjustment of French consonants and nasal vowels. A loanword corpus is established. Based on the statistical analysis, the adaptation pattern of each foreign segment is provided. The thesis observes that preservation and adaptation are the major strategies in loanword adaptation. The only exception is [ʁ] in the coda position, which has segment deletion as the major substitute. Variant substitutes are common in French loanwords, which suggest that the loanword adaptation of French is an ongoing process in Mandarin. Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004) is the major framework in this thesis. To account for variations, Coetzee’s (2006) rank-ordering model of EVAL (ROE) is also used for analysis. A critical cut-off line divides the constraints into two parts: constraints above the cut-off line, and constraints below the cut-off line. Violations of the former are fatal, while violations of the latter lead to variations. The fatal constraints place restrictions on illicit segments, segment combinations, and prosodic preferences. These crucial constraints include markedness constraints, faithfulness constraints, or even the conjunction of the two. Constraints below the cut-off line are mostly IDENT constraints. Violations of IDENT features such as [voice] and [spread glottis] bring only variations. This is contrary to the violations of IDENT [nasal] and IDENT [labial], which result in ill-formedness. Based on the constraint ranking and the position of the cut-off line, the thesis shows that loanword phonology does not form an idiosyncratic grammar. Instead, it includes the constraints that are latent in L1 and reflects universal grammar.

本文以優選理論為框架探討閩南語三字組及四字組重疊構詞，三字組及四字組重疊構詞可分成完全重疊與部分重疊，重疊詞要緊鄰其對應詞基越好，此外，對於四字組部分重疊構詞有對整方向不一致的體現，筆者認為不同的制約排序會產生不同的重疊規則，並採用音韻共存理論(Cophonology Theory)來解釋閩南語多元的重疊構詞策略是由多個次語法運作的結果。在三字組重疊構詞，根據句法結構判斷主重音的位置，主重音的分佈影響重疊的規則，但有語意強調某成份時，主重音會轉移且會使原成份之本調喪失變成輕聲，有主重音的音節才可進行重疊構詞，同時，重疊詞要越緊鄰其對應詞基。在四字組完全重疊構詞，語義的強調與弱化影響詞基音節以及音步的重疊運作，音節與音步制約層級不同可解釋不同的重疊規則；在四字組部分重疊構詞，不同於過去研究以單一方向對整制約論證，筆者提出雙向的對整制約來解釋四字組部分重疊構詞。簡言之，本篇論文藉由優選理論的觀點，首度就閩南語重疊構詞提出一個整體分析。 / This thesis examines the derivation of the reduplication in Taiwan Southern Min under the framework of Optimality Theory. Reduplication can be divided into two categories. One is trisyllabic reduplication and the other is quadrisyllabic reduplication. Besides, each type of the trisyllabic and quadrisyllabic reduplication has both partial and full reduplication. This thesis adopts Cophonology Theory to account for the subgrammar of the divergent reduplications. Based on Locality Generalization, the reduplicant should be adjacent to its corresponding base. In trisyllabic reduplication, from the perspective of syntactic relation, stress affects the derivation of the reduplication. The primary stressed syllable is the only syllable which can be reduplicated. This thesis proposes constraint *RED(W) to require this condition. In quadrisyllabic reduplication, given the base is disyllable AB, semantic weakness and stress closely relate to the full reduplication AABB and ABAB. The different ranking of the Adjacency-BR-by-syllable and Adjacency-BR-by-foot explains the full reduplication. In quadrisyllabic partial reduplication, this thesis proposes the different edges alignment constraint Align(RED, R; Rightmost Monosyllabic Morpheme, L) and Align(RED, L; Leftmost Monosyllabic Morpheme, R) to explain ABAC and ACBC, respectively. In summary, based on the constraint-based theory, and the interaction of Nonhead stress, Focal stress, *RED(W), alignment, anchoring, adjacency, and contiguity constraint, this thesis has given a general explanation of the reduplication in Taiwan Southern Min.

本文以優選理論的觀點分析美濃客語的陰平變調。討論可分為兩部分，首先，針對於變調的範疇，文章從句法與音韻的介面關係探討陰平變調的範疇，結果顯示陰平變調是以語調詞組(Intonational Phrase)作為變調的範疇，而這也為韻律結構的存在提供了證據。語調詞組的形成與感知單位(Sense Unit Condition)和重組(Restructuring)有密切的關係。另外，也探討了語調詞組中的特殊結構，發現語料支持Nespor & Vogel (1986)的假設，即特殊結構可以先形成一個獨立的語調詞組。 探討完變調範疇之後，將以優選理論進行分析。本文提出兩組制約:聲調制約和韻律制約。聲調制約著重在解釋變調的運作，而韻律制約則負責解釋變調範疇的劃分，這兩組制約不僅能解釋一般句子的變調，亦能對特殊結構的變調現象予以充分的說明。針對於變讀的情形，本文以並存音韻理論(Cophonology Theory)來作解釋，藉由*IP和ALIGN-R (Non-adjunct XP, IP)兩個制約的重新排序，得到變調與不變調兩種讀法的範疇的劃分。 / This thesis is aimed at analyzing Yinping tone sandhi in Meinong Hakka from the perspective of Optimality Theory. The discussion is divided into two parts. First, this thesis explores the tonal domain in terms of the interface of syntax and phonology. The analysis indicates that the tonal domain is founded on an intonational phrase. The formation of an intonational phrase is based on the Sense Unit Condition (Selkirk, 1984) and is closely related to restructuring (Nespor and Vogel, 1986). The special constructions of IPs are also investigated. The data supports the hypothesis proposed by Nespor and Vogel (1986), namely, that these special constructions have the privilege to form an isolated intonational phrase. Secondly, Optimality Theory is adopted to analyze the data after exploring the tonal domain. Two set of constraints are proposed in this thesis. One is that of tonal constraints, which are mainly concerned with the processing of tone sandhi. The other is that of prosodic constraints, which are responsible for explaining the delimitation of the tonal domains of the data. The two sets of constraints can be used to account for the operation of the sandhi phenomena in ordinary sentences and also in special constructions. The alternative readings are explained by means of the re-ranking of *IP and ALIGN-R (Non-adjunct XP, IP) from the perspective of Cophonology Theory.

本論文以優選理論探討上海話之入聲變調，試圖將文獻中所認為表現不規律之入聲變調納入與舒聲變調相容之分析中。本研究認為入聲變調與舒聲變調皆受制於ANCHOR-L(tσ1, Hd)，因此其首音節之基底聲調在輸出值中皆出現於重讀音節。以此觀之，則入聲變調與舒聲變調的差異主要在於節律重音的位置：在舒聲變調中首音節重讀；在入聲變調中重音則後移──在陰入變調中係移至第二音節，在陽入變調中則移至末音節。 本論文提出兩點假設：上海話中舒聲音節為重量音節，入聲音節為輕量音節；節律結構基本上為一位於左端之雙音節音步。據此，本研究提出COINCIDE (LightHd, FT-final)，認為陰入變調中重音所以後移至第二音節是因為重讀之輕量音節傾向於由音步末音節核可(licensing)。另一方面，由於陽入的單字調為曲拱調，與陰入的水平調有別，是以本研究另外提出COINCIDE(Contour, PrWd-final)，此制約顯示陽入變調中重音的遠距移位是為了遵行「曲拱調須由末音節核可」之普遍現象。 綜述之，本論文提供了一個重量音節、節律重音、曲拱調以及邊際位置等韻律顯著位置間彼此對映的實例。此外，本研究亦顯示上海話的連讀變調涉及聲調與重音的互動，是以所提出之分析或許對相關類型之研究亦有所貢獻。 / This thesis offers an Optimality-theory approach to the tone sandhi of checked tones (TSC) in Shanghai, in an attempt to regulate its surface patterns which have long been considered anomaly as opposed to the tone sandhi of smooth tones (TSS). With a reanalysis in the present study, TSC and TSS arguably have in common that their process of tone mapping is both subject to ANCHOR-L(tσ1, Hd), by which the un- derlying tone of the initial syllable ends up at the stressed syllable in the output. It follows that TSC is different from TSS in the way that metrical head is assigned: all domains undergoing TSS are stressed on their initial syllable; only in domains of TSC does the stress move rightwards, either to the second place in the tone sandhi of Yinru (TSYI), or to the final syllable in the tone sandhi of Yangru (TSYA). Given the assumption that checked syllables and smooth syllables in Shanghai are light and heavy, respectively, in terms of moraicity, and that foot-parsing is binary and left-aligned in general, the one-syllable shift of stress in TSYI can be accounted for by positing COINCIDE(LightHd, FT-final), which sets up the preference for light stress- bearing syllables to be licensed foot-finally. On the other hand, given that Yangru in the citation forms represents a rising contour, different from the level tone of Yinru, a licensing constraint, namely COINCIDE(Contour, PrWd-final), is further posited so that the long-distance movement of metrical head observed in TSYA emerges to satisfy the requirement for the retained rising contour to be licensed word-finally. Taken together, this thesis instantiates a remarkable case of the mapping among multiple prominent positions, including heavy syllables, metrical head, contour tones, and edge positions. Also, the present analysis demonstrates that Shanghai tone sandhi involves an interaction between tone and stress, thus a contribution to the general OT tone-prominence typology literature (cf. Zhang 2001, Barnes 2002, De Lacy 2002).

本論文觀察台灣年輕人說閩南語的國語口音，建立語料庫作為分析基礎，並根據優選理論中的浮動制約模型（Floating Constraint, Reynolds 1994）分析語料。 本文語料主要分為兩大組：A組及B組。除AB兩組均保留雙唇濁塞聲母 /b/之外，A組的國語口音較明顯，亦即軟顎濁塞聲母 /g/ 較常丟失、齒齦清塞音韻尾 /t/ 較常丟失、雙唇及軟顎清塞音韻尾 /p, k/ 常丟失或發為 /t/。B組的國語口音較不明顯，亦即較常保留上述輔音。 本文針對AB兩組的聲母及韻尾語料數據，各提出一組浮動制約。相較於A組，B組在聲母的浮動制約多了一個信實制約MAX-PLACE、在韻尾部分也多了另一個信實制約MAX-CONSONANT(CODA)。因此B組的信實制約有較多機會浮動至高層，也導致較多信實的輸出值。由此可見，兩組差異之關鍵在於浮動而非固定的制約，因此認為浮動制約模型適合用於處理此種語言變異現象。 / This thesis establishes a corpus of Taiwan youngsters’ Mandarin-accented pronunciation of Taiwanese voiced stop onsets /b/ and /g/ and voiceless stop codas /p, t, k/. The Floating Constraint model (Reynolds 1994) within the Optimality Theory framework is adopted to analyze the corpus data. The corpus includes two groups: Group A and Group B. Both groups retain the voiced bilabial stop onset /b/. Group A has higher percentages of omitting /g/ onset and /t/ coda, and codas /p/ and /k/ are often altered to /t/ or omitted. On the other hand, Group B tends to preserve those sounds. For each group, a set of floating constraints is proposed to account for their onset and coda data. The differences between Group A and Group B lie essentially in the number of floating faithfulness constraints. The Group B grammar allows one more floating constraint MAX-PLACE for onsets, and one more floating constraint MAX-CONSONANT(CODA) for codas. I have shown that the Mandarin accent is better accounted for in terms of the “floating” constraints, but not the “fixed” constraints.

在前人的研究中，已透過音韻規則的角度分析梅縣客語 (Meixian Hakka) 和曼谷客語 (Bangkok Hakka)， 但仍有部分疑問未獲得合理解釋。諸如：部分聲調不會受變調規則(Tone sandhi)的影響、變調的觸發條件以及本調 (Citation tone) 和變調間結構上的關係等。 有鑒於此，本研究透過優選理論 (Optimality theory, OT) 重新分析梅縣客語和曼谷客語。 上述兩個方言有兩種變調的方式 : 同化(assimilation)和異化(dissimilation)。在此基礎上，為了更準確的描述變調現象，本研究在分析上主要採用必要性起伏原則 (obligatory contour principle) 和避免起伏原則 (no-jumping principle)，並應用聯合制約 (Constraint Conjunction approach) 的概念。採取此分析方式的理由在於分析對象的變調具有相當有標(marked)且受限於中心詞(head)右端音節的聲調。此外，本研究也採用一部分比聲調結構性制約(tonal markedness constraint)更高排序的信實性制約(faithfulness constraint)。這些制約會導致部分聲調或變調結構不受變調規則影響，例如：調域 (register) 和聲調的起點 (initial target) 將保留原始樣貌。 研究結果指出，聲調結構性制約和數個排序最高的聲調信實性制約能更準確地呈現梅縣客語和曼谷客語在變調時，輸入值與輸出值之間的對應關係 (input-output correspondence)。在論文結尾，筆者將綜覽本研究並提出未來可繼續延伸的相關議題。 / The grammar of Meixian and Bangkok Hakka tone sandhi has been analyzed from a rule based approach. Nevertheless, there are some questions and details that could not be solved by the analysis, such as the status of tones that do not undergo sandhi, triggers of the tone sandhi, and the structural relation between citation tones and their sandhi counterparts. Thus, the purpose of this study is to re-analyze the tone sandhi in Meixian and Bangkok Hakka under the constraint based framework, Optimality Theory (OT). There are two mechanisms of tonal alternations in the two dialects’ tone sandhi: assimilation, and dissimilation. So in order to capture the tonal alternations, the current analysis applies the concepts of the Obligatory Contour Principle, and the No-Jumping Principle. The constraints generated according to these principles work well with the application of the Constraint Conjunction approach. The conjoined constraints are needed since the tone alternations are highly marked, and depend a lot on the head/right syllable tone. Furthermore, this thesis also posits several faithfulness constraints that rank higher than the tone sandhi markedness constraint. The high ranked faithfulness constraints govern the preservation of several tones from any alternation, and preservation of some structures of the citation tones when they become sandhi tones (i.e. register and initial target). In conclusion, the positing of tone sandhi markedness constraints and undominated identity constraints presents a better input-output correspondence relation of the tone sandhi phenomena in Meixian and Bangkok Hakka. To conclude the thesis, a brief summary of the study and possible further issues are presented.

本篇論文從語料庫及優選理論，分析台語中的日語借字，探討兩個語言之間的音韻調整現象。 本研究建立一個日語借字語料庫，以數據資料佐證音段替代的趨向，釐清音段替代的主要性和次要性。統計發現，單一日語音段，雖然可能被不同的台語音段取代，但由於比例差距的懸殊，日語和台語音段的對應情形，大多可視為一對一的關係。至於一對二的對應情形，則可歸因於台語音韻限制，或是對於借字和來源字之間音徵保留的要求。 基於語料庫的數據，本篇從優選理論分析日語和台語間的音韻調整現象。音段替代方面，主要歸因於IDENT[feature]，MAX，以及結構性制約(markedness constraint)之間的排序部署。另外，文中提出四個並存音韻，藉由調整MAX和IDENT[MR]之間，以及SHARE[back]和IDENT[anterior]之間的排序，解釋日語借字中的自由變異(free variation)現象。最後，受到IDENT[μ]和*[μμμ]的控制，相鄰兩個音節不會合併為一個，如果合併後發生音拍(mora)數量刪減或增加，或是產生一個含有二個音拍以上的音節。 / This thesis investigates the phonological adjustment of Japanese loanwords in Taiwanese. A corpus is established, and the statistics are provided to observe the substitute tendency of each of the Japanese sources. The use of the statistics properly explains whether a corresponding Taiwanese segment is either a regular substitute or merely an exception. Most of the Japanese segments are in one-to-one mapping when they are borrowed into Taiwanese. Some Japanese segments are in one-to-two mapping, due to either Taiwanese phonotatics or feature preservation between the sources and the loans, such as the phenomenon of reconfiguration. Besides, two adjacent syllables will combine to one, if the vowels are syllabified as a VG sequence after combination; in that event, the second syllable does not end with a nasal coda. Moreover, a glottal stop will insert to a word-final position if the penultimate syllable in a loanword ends with a vowel or a non-sonorant consonant. This analysis, based on the corpus, is conducted under the framework of Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004). For segmental substitutions, a set of IDENT[feature] is adopted to require the identity of certain features. The markedness constraints, regarding the segmental and place markedness and the Taiwanese phonotatics, are employed. High ranking of markedness constraints are responsible for adjustment of segments. Besides, re-rankings of SHARE[back] and IDENT[anterior] and MAX and IDENT[MR], are suggested. They are responsible for the substitutes that are in free variation. As for the contraction of syllables, it allows the loans and the sources to have the same numbers of moras. However, contraction is suspended, to prevent a syllable to have three or more moras.

本文以優選理論的觀點分析台灣漢語饒舌歌的節奏類型。主要論點包括三個部份：節拍對應、音節對應與韻句分析。本研究建立一個漢語饒舌歌語料庫，提出數據佐證分析，認為漢語饒舌歌的節奏類型不只一種，不同的節奏類型可透過並存音韻理論(Cophonology Theory)來解釋，另外，本文也提出浮動制約(Floating Constraints)來預測漢語饒舌歌中不同節奏型態出現的比例。在節拍對應方面，透過虛詞左向附著與其他制約的排序變化，可以篩選出音節與節拍不同的對應方式。在音節對應方面，當一韻句需要滿足簡單律時，就會產生音節跨越現象。而在韻句分析方面，透過左界對整(U,x)與其他制約的排序變化，可以預測兩韻句間之間隔1/2拍或1/4拍的例子。整體而言，本篇研究就漢語饒舌歌中豐富的節奏類型提出語料以及理論上的分析基準。 / This thesis analyzes the rhythmic structure of Chinese raps in Taiwan from the perspective of Optimality theory. Three factors are in order: the demibeats mapping, the syllable mapping and the utterance phrasing. The thesis adopts the corpus-based analysis. This thesis proposes that rhythmic variants can be accounted for through the constraint re-ranking in terms of the Cophonology Theory. The positing of floating constraints can then predict the percentages of the rhythmic variants. In demibeat mapping, the interaction between F-share-L(the left-adjunction of functors) and other constraints results in different ways of demibeat-syllable correspondence; in syllable mapping, Simplicity decides the syllable-straddling phenomenon. Finally, in utterance phrasing, the interaction between Align-L(U,x) and other constraints predicts different lengthens of the utterance breaks. To conclude, this thesis provided a corpus and theoretical basis for the rhythmic structures of Chinese raps.

本篇論文旨在從優選理論(Optimality Theory)來探討日語中的英語外來語。所研究的問題有四個，包括英語詞彙日語化過程中的語音代換(segmental substitutions)與音韻調整(phonological modifications)的現象，英語輔音韻尾促音化(consonant gemination)的現象，以及外來語截短(loanword truncation)現象的研究。在語音代換方面，基於過去以對比分析(Contrastive Analysis)的研究只重視英日語間音與音的對應，然共通語法(Universal Grammar)為當代語言學研究的主要目標，因此本文以優選理論這一針對共通語法所提出的當代音韻學理論中的制約(constraints)排行與違反的概念來重新分析。在本文中，語音代換主要是起因於共通語法下的音段標顯性制約(segmental markedness constraints)、極大性制約(MAX-IO)、及特徵一致性制約(IDENT[F] constraints)在日語語法中排行的結果。在音韻調整方面，日語主要是以元音添加(vowel epenthesis)來處理英語韻尾輔音及輔音群。過去的分析將元音添加視為是一種規則(rules)運作的結果，然這種分析仍需要制約的概念。有鑑於此，本文純以制約的排行與違反來分析這個現象。在本文中，音韻調整及元音添加主要是起因於共通語法下的一組音節結構完好性制約(syllable wel-formedness constraints)與極大性、依循性制約(DEP-IO)在日語中排行的結果所致。在英語韻尾輔音促音化方面，由於許多過去的研究將此一現象歸因於是模仿英語原字，特別是其閉音節結構的結果。根據此一看法，本文主張此一現象乃是起因於與韻尾輔音相關的音拍一致性制約(IDENT[m])因模仿英語原字這一目的而獲得優先被滿足權。也就是當其排行高於反孳生輔音制約(anti-gemination constraints)時，就會導致促音化的現象。在外來語的截短現象方面，過去學者的分析引發不少的問題，如Suzuki(1995)根據優選理論所提出的分析卻與Ito(1990)的統計結果相矛盾等。有鑑於此，本文作者亦進行外來語截短詞包括長度、音節類型、截短方向及重音等的統計。根據這一統計結果，本文將截短現象分成「最小截短」與「非最小截短」。兩者各由其相關的制約排行所控制。此外，本文並指出日語外來語的「最小截短」能驗證emergence of the unmarked (McCarthy and Prince 1994, 1995b, 1997)這一主張。 / This thesis aims to study English loanwords in Japanese within the framework of Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993, McCarthy and Prince 1993ab). It deals with four issues: the segmental substitutions and phonological modifications in loanword nativization, consonant gemination, and loanword truncation. The segmental substitutions are attributed mainly to the Japanese-specific ranking of the UG segmental markedness constraints, together with the higher ranked MAX-IO. The choices of substitute sounds are mainly determined by the rankings of lDENT[F] constraints in Japanese. The phonological modifications are attributed mainly to the Japanese-specific ranking of the UG syllable well-formedness constraints. In addition, vowel epenthesis as a way of modification is prompted by the dominance of MAX-10 over DEP-IO. As for consonant gemination, it is not motivated by any native requirements in Japanese, and thus results from a conscious effort to imitate English source forms by having lDENT[μ] acquire a priority to be respected. That is, when it dominates the anti-gemination constraints, consonant gemination takes place. Finally, on the basis of the statistical results, the present study distinguishes two kinds of truncation: the minimal and non-minimal truncations. In the minimal truncation, FTBIN and NONFIN(σ) are responsible for the accented LL and HL output patterns while in the non-minimal truncation WDBIN and MAX-BT lead to the unaccented four-mora outputs as well as LLL outputs.

本論文旨在描述並嘗試以優選詞彙功能語法理論(OT-LMT)處理雅美語的論旨角色與語法功能的連結。雅美語的論旨角色與語法功能連結呈現出作格語言的特性，以致跟中文或英文有很大的差別。並且雅美語的連結又受到了焦點系統的影響，所以更加的複雜。現存的連結理論無論是以變換語法理論為基礎或以詞彙語法為基礎的，似乎都無法很直接簡潔的描述雅美語。本論文嘗試架構一個以優選理論為基礎的新連結模型，並且除了將之使用在雅美語上之外，也同時以這個新的模型來處理中文和英文中的連結。由於優選理論具有彈性的特性，這三種語言不同的連結模式，都可以被包含在這個新的模型當中。 / This thesis studies the problem of argument-function linking in Yami and makes the fundamental claim that linking in Yami shows an ergative pattern, quite different from that in accusative languages, such as Mandarin and English. The linking phenomenon in Yami is complicated by its special voice system. Existing linking theories do not account for Yami straightforwardly. In trying to find a framework that can handle the Yami data, we find the flexibility of Optimality Theory a promising solution. The first part of this thesis is a description of the argument-function linking pattern in Yami and the proper place of the voice system is also discussed. And then we review several grammatical theories on linking. Both transformation-based theories and lexicalist theories are examined. We will demonstrate how these theories fail to account for linking in Yami in a straightforward manner. Thus we provide an optimality-theoretic account based on the lexical mapping theory of Lexical-Functional Grammar. This newly developed framework is applied not only to the Yami data but also to the relevant Mandarin and English data. It is claimed that this framework can accommodate all three different languages.