本論文探討法語借詞進入國語音韻系統時所採取的音韻調整策略，並從優選理論和語料庫的角度來分析借詞現象，主軸為法語子音和鼻母音的調整模式。 本研究建置一個法語借詞語料庫，並統計音段保留、替代、或刪除的趨向。研究發現，音段保留與調整為主要的轉譯策略，唯有韻尾子音[ʁ]傾向於刪除。數據分析顯示法語借詞中的語言變異(variation)極為普遍，此現象說明國語中的法語借詞尚未完全詞彙化 (lexicalization)，而是仍在持續進行。因此本論文採用ROE模型 (rank-ordering model of EVAL, Coetzee 2006)來解釋法語借詞轉譯的變異現象。 法語音段的調整現象和變異情形可訴諸於制約的排序與互動。根據ROE模型，制約係以中界線(cut-off line)加以區隔，違反中界線以上的候選值會直接淘汰，而僅違反中界線以下的候選值皆可成為優選值。本研究發現，中界線以上的制約包含結構制約、信實制約、以及聯合制約(conjoined constraint);中界線以下的制約則多為信實制約。音韻表徵(phonological features)如[labial]與[nasal]在轉譯的過程中必須保留，而是否違反[voice]與[spread glottis]等表徵僅會造成語言變異。 制約的交錯排序、互動，以及中界線的位置對於法語借詞的現象提出了解釋。借詞音韻並非自成一個系統，而是反映了借入語和普遍語法皆存在的制約。 / This thesis investigates the phonological adaptations of French loanwords in Mandarin. The focus is on the loanword adjustment of French consonants and nasal vowels. A loanword corpus is established. Based on the statistical analysis, the adaptation pattern of each foreign segment is provided. The thesis observes that preservation and adaptation are the major strategies in loanword adaptation. The only exception is [ʁ] in the coda position, which has segment deletion as the major substitute. Variant substitutes are common in French loanwords, which suggest that the loanword adaptation of French is an ongoing process in Mandarin. Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004) is the major framework in this thesis. To account for variations, Coetzee’s (2006) rank-ordering model of EVAL (ROE) is also used for analysis. A critical cut-off line divides the constraints into two parts: constraints above the cut-off line, and constraints below the cut-off line. Violations of the former are fatal, while violations of the latter lead to variations. The fatal constraints place restrictions on illicit segments, segment combinations, and prosodic preferences. These crucial constraints include markedness constraints, faithfulness constraints, or even the conjunction of the two. Constraints below the cut-off line are mostly IDENT constraints. Violations of IDENT features such as [voice] and [spread glottis] bring only variations. This is contrary to the violations of IDENT [nasal] and IDENT [labial], which result in ill-formedness. Based on the constraint ranking and the position of the cut-off line, the thesis shows that loanword phonology does not form an idiosyncratic grammar. Instead, it includes the constraints that are latent in L1 and reflects universal grammar.

大部分在台灣的客家人都會說中文,但是其中有些客家人說國語時會留下客語的遺跡。本篇論文已語言上,場合正式性上,地理區域,以及社會因素等方面探討部分客家人把國語的/ɕ/唸成[s]的原因。 本篇論文包含量化分析以及質化分析,在量化分析上透過面對面的交談,念文章,以及唸單字等方法來收集資料。量化分析上總共有32位受試者,且受試者依照性別,教育程度,年齡以及地理區域以二分法的方式。而在質化分析上的受試者和量化分析的受試者為同一批人,但只有29位再次參與調查。 本篇主要的發現為: (1)在語言內部因素中,字頻,鄰近音,以及音節結構對於語音變異皆有影響。(2)語音變異的確有擴散的現象。(3)在語言外部的因素中,年齡以及地理區域的影響比場合正式性及性別來得大,但教育程度的影響則很微弱。整體而言:(1)本篇調查的語音透過語言內部,場合正式性,社會以及地理空間擴散 (2)語言內部以及語言外部皆對與音變異有影響,但語言外部的因素的影響比內部因素來得大。 / Most Hakka speakers in Taiwan, if not all, speak Mandarin Chinese. Among them, many leave some traces of their Hakka background in their Mandarin pronunciation. This thesis aims at analyzing the linguistic, situational, geographical, and social causes of the emergence of [s] as a phonetic variant of /ɕ/ in Mandarin by Hakka speakers. In this study, both quantitative and qualitative analyses were conducted to locate the internal and the external constraints on the target phonetic variation. Those data for quantitative analyses were collected from the linguistic production by 32 native speakers of Hakka in casual conversation, reading passage, and reading characters. Subjects of this study are equally distributed to two genders, two education levels, two age groups, and two geographical areas (namely, in Taoyuan City and Chungli City, two cities in which a large proportion of Hakka speakers reside) . As for data for qualitative analyses collected from 29 of the 32 subjects of the quantitative tests, only those parts of the qualitative design that were implemented correctly were analyzed. The major findings of this study are (1) among the internal factors, word frequency, preceding vowels, and syllable structure were found to be influential to the target phonetic variation; (2) the target phonetic variation does expands through lexical diffusion; and (3) among the external factors, age and geographical area are more influential than situational formality and gender, but the impact of education level is weak. General conclusion of this study include (1) this target phonetic variation is expanding gradually through linguistic, situational, and social/geographical spaces; and (2) both internal and external factors are effective, with external factors being more influential than internal factors. Key words: phonetic variation, lexical diffusion, formality, Hakka dialect, sociolinguistic variation, ethnic identity

本文調查年輕世代 (1988 至 1995 年間出生者) 閩南語的變調範域 (Tone Sandhi Domain)，即調群 (Tone Group)。文中以「傳統調群」表文獻記載的變調範域，以「新調群」表本文重新調查的變調範域。論文的研究立基於音韻句法互動之上，並持間接指涉假設觀點，從韻律音韻學的角度出發，認為句法音韻間存有一韻律介面，且調群為此介面上的韻律單位：音韻詞組 (Phonological Phrase, ϕ)。 本文發現新調群與傳統調群的劃分相異。前人研究指出，調群邊界 (#) 標於音韻詞組右端，音韻詞組為一最大投射 XP，且不可為附加語及附著語。新調群僅部分可以傳統音韻詞組界定，其他則對應至句法上的主要語 X，以及附加語最大投射 XP。此外，新調群的邊界為選擇性地出現，具語言變異。新調群出現四種於傳統調群未見的劃分形式：依調群邊界前的語法單位分為主要語 X 類別：(1) V # NP # (2) V # QP # 及附加語 XP 類別： (3) QP # A # (4) AdvP # V #。 本文提出調群新定義，並以優選理論中的 ROE 模型進行分析，提出三個新制約：Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ)、ϕ-min 及 Align-R (X-head, ϕ)。Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ) 用以區分功能性投射與詞彙性投射；ϕ-min 限制音韻詞組至少含兩音節；Align-R (X-head, ϕ) 解釋調群邊界標註於主要語 X 右端。分析時著重制約 Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ) 、ϕ-min 及 Align-R (X-head, ϕ) 與切分線 | (Critical Cut-Off Line) 的關係。整體制約排序為：Ident-T-Rϕ | Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ) >> ϕ-min >> Align-R (X-head, ϕ) >> *T >> Align-R (XP-Lex, ϕ)。除信實性制約 Ident-T-Rϕ 之外，其他標記性制約皆列於切分線之下，預測語言變異。 / The goal of this thesis is to explore the tone sandhi domain, tone group (hereafter, TG), of Taiwan Southern Min of younger generation. A corpus is built and analyzed within the framework of Prosodic Theory, a derived theory from the Phonology-Syntax Interface Theory. In the literature, TG boundary # was marked at the right edge of an XP which is neither an adjunct nor a clitic. However, the TG boundary # of younger generation is marked at the right edges of a maximal XP, an adjunctive XP and an X-head. Moreover, language variation is observed in the TG parsing: the presence of TG boundary # is optional. There are four TG parsings not observed in the literature: (1) V # NP # (2) V # QP # (3) QP # A # (4) AdvP # V #. TG is redefined as a Phonological Phrase which syntactically corresponds to a maximal XP, an adjunct XP, an X-head but not to a clitic XP. The four TG parsings are then analyzed with Rank-Ordering Model of EVAL (ROE), a subtheory within the Optimality Theory domain which particularly addresses language variation. According to ROE, constraints on the right side of critical cut-off line participate in the prediction of variation. Three constraints involving in variation are proposed: Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ), ϕ-min and Align-R (X-head, ϕ). Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ) distinguishes lexical projection and functional projection, ϕ-min requires a Phonological Phrase to be minimally disyllabic, and Align-R (X-head, ϕ) predicts # to occur at the right edge of an X-head. The analysis centers around the three constraints’ relation with the critical cut-off line. The constraint rankings are: Ident-T-Rϕ | Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ) >> ϕ-min >> Align-R (X-head, ϕ) >> *T >> Align-R (XP-Lex, ϕ). Except for the faithfulness constraint Ident-T-Rϕ, the other markedness constraints are arranged at the right side of the cut-off line in order to predict language variation.