筆者針對當今生活於台灣，自泰國或緬甸遷移來台的雲南籍穆斯林所進行的研究，從該族群在原鄉雲南的發展歷史，前進至移居泰國與緬甸，再遷徙來台的歷程及其中的各種面向；並鎖定其宗教生活、實踐與傳承的種種樣貌，牽引出該族群認同心理的構成與漸漸形成的我群意識與族群邊界。而最終論及該族群與台灣其他穆斯林以及台灣當地環境接觸與交往中，所出現的適應過程和認同心理的游移與在地化轉變。

本研究論文主要目的是從賽夏族tanohila:氏族日阿拐派下與其他族群（主要是客家人）接觸的過程中，探討原住民與漢人密切互動之後一般認同情形或族群意識的特質；在雙重或多重文化的認同中，是否會對自己的文化產生質疑？對自己的族群產生認同危機？是否全盤否定自己的傳統文化？否定文化是否就會否定自己的族群認同、有意掩飾或放棄原有的族群認同？並希望藉由本研究的討論，了解族群認同的心理歷程是否對文化的傳承有所影響，進而幫助族人正向的認同態度與行為，建立我族的認同觀念，並延續傳統文化。 其中以非結構式的深度訪談方式，瞭解社會文化對於認同的影響，包括通婚、社會化歷程、母語能力以及祖靈祭與祭祖，在田野的訪談過程中發現能影響認同變異的部分，但是在母語能力的強弱並不會改變對賽夏族的認同。然而不能忽略的是，仍有許多受訪者是很難釐清自己到底屬於那個族群，也許在身份上不得不承認自己是賽夏族人，然而「血統」卻成為質疑自己認同的主要因素，早期即離開部落，接觸異族、接受漢人的教育更加速自我與社會認同的混淆。 另外則以結構式五點量表，探討認同的心理歷程，發現認同不能單從其中一個語言或非語言的行為，或是外顯行為來判定一個人的認同，個人的通婚結果會造成心理歷程的變化，也就是說通不通婚，都不會改變tanohila:氏族人對賽夏族整體的認知，在族群態度與族群行為上，卻呈現負面影響（t值為負值），即與異族通婚的結果也造成個人在行為的準備狀態與表現於外的行為改變。族群接觸的密切程度與族群認同的強度是息息相關的，尤其是對在台灣原住民中佔有特殊地位的賽夏族來說，更具有舉足輕重的地位，其族群獨特性乃從與其他族群的連結形成的。 相對於HAKKA的弱勢，在本研究中找不到被「同化」的跡象，若強要說「同化」，在這裡僅能從語言上得到充分證明，除此之外，在其他的面向，似乎也沒有得到HAKKA的真傳，因此不能為「同化」提供更有力的佐證。另外族群認同的心理歷程要遠比展現出的外顯行為對文化的傳承有更重要的影響，唯有內心達到真正的認同，才能有效建立族人的認同觀念，並延續傳統文化。

在世界各多元族群國家紛紛產生族群間緊張情勢之際，台灣原住民於近六年來也以愈 來愈頻繁的社會運動，凸顯出與漢人間關係的變化，以及其對於自我族群的認同。 為降低族群間衝突，本文嘗試從基本國策、原住民與漢人間族群關係，以及原住民族 群認同等三個不同角度，檢視由蔡中涵立法委員研擬的「原住民基本權利法草案」， 並提出政策性建議。 全文共分六章，約七萬言。玆將各章重點摘述如下： 第一章首先說明研究問題的性質，接著再就本文中使用的重要概念一一族群、族群認 同及臺灣原住民基本政策，針對其理論意含，以及本文的研究需要，予以概念上的界 定。 第二章先檢討過去相關理論與研究，如同化理論、文化多元論、權力衝突理論、種族 偏見的相關研究，以及族群認同的相關研究等，根據這些研究成果，擬定本文的架構 ；並以架構為準，選定文獻探討法、問卷調查法及統計分析，作為本論文研究方法。 第三章探討與制訂民族政策有關的基本國策－－三民主義的民族政策主張，以及憲法 中的相關規定，都在討論的範圍之內。 第四章除就國外處理各式族群關係的政策類型進行探討外，並簡述原住民傳統社會文 化，進而分析原住民族群認同現況，以及原住民與漢人間的族群關係。 第五章以說明並檢討「原住民基本權利法草案」的內容為主。前二章探討的基本國策 、族群認同與族群關係因素，皆為衡量該草案適當性與可行性的標準。 第六章為結論，將簡述本文的研究發現，並試圖提出政策性建議。

社會變遷的快速，推波助瀾學校教育改革的腳步。學校教育不能原地踏步，必須有所創新；學校教育必須能掌握社會脈動，才能提供學子隨機應變的能力。因此，教育改革勢在必行。 中央統籌規劃的課程是一套統一的架構，並未考量學生生活經驗、學生成長背景、學生民族身分..，所以，為了改善上述缺失，教育部現今推行的九年一貫國民教育，在課程規劃上，安排一周兩節課的彈性學習時間，提供給各小學彈性運用課程的設計，也就是鼓勵學校妥善運用這兩節課時間，設計規劃適合該校學童學習的課程活動。精神上強調培養學生帶得走的能力、期望學生從此課程學習中找到學習的樂趣，從而喜愛上學、更有自信面對挑戰。課程的內容可以是各學科的補救教學活動；或是結合社區發展、自然生態資源、機關團體的課程設計；還是民族文化相關的課程發展活動…。因此，學校本位課程的推動，彰顯了各學校的發展特色。 不同的民族，有不同的風土民情；語言、習俗上的不同，讓台灣境內各民族有了各自不同的特色。學校本位課程所提供各學校彈性的自主課程設計，造就了原住民小學與漢人小學在課程設計方向上不同的發展。原住民小學發展了與該學校學童民族身分相關的民族文化課程活動，有的是民族語言課程、民族舞蹈活動、原住民合唱社團、還有原住民祭儀活動，以及傳統編織、織布技藝等課程。漢人小學則多是結合社區發展鄉土人文、自然生態，或是與社區機關、社團結合的課程活動。 本論文是以比較分析台灣中部以北地區，八所原漢國民小學所推動的學校本位課程活動，透過訪談、問卷調查，綜合歸納後得到下列點結論： 壹、原住民小學學校本位課程發展傾向於民族文化相關課程。 貳、漢人小學學校本位課程發展多與社區資源相結合。 參、原住民教師比漢人教師關心民族教育。 肆、學生喜愛主題活動式課程。 伍、學校本位課程活動設計打造學校特色。 / Study and Analyze the School-based Curriculum of Aboriginal Schools and General School for the Northern of Taiwan Elementary Schools The modern society changes so fast that it accelerates the revolution in our system of education and the school education system should innovate in order to make progress instead of regression. To provide students with the ability to adapt modern society, which changes all the time, revolution in our educational system is imperative. The central government designed curriculum, a prevailing uniformity of educational skeleton, concerns nothing about the living experience, backgrounds and special racial dignity of the individual, so the Department of Education promotes the nine-year integrated education, an educational frame, in order to correct the flaw that ignores individual characteristics. The nine-year integrated education provides the flexibility in program design by arranging elastic courses two times a week. In other words, the purpose on this special educational frame is that appropriate arrangement for activities and programs which suit students. Moreover, the essence of the nine-year integrated education puts emphasis on the spirit that the individual can see the fun of learning. In additionnine-year integrated education, students love to go to school and act with confidence to face challenges. The ingredients of the program may contain tutorial class or cooperate with community development, nature resources, and public welfare organizations. Therefore, advocating the school-based curriculum makes traits of every single school more obvious. Generally speaking, diverse races have dissimilar cultures which are unique. The variety of historical backgrounds, languages and custom contribute the special feature which belongs to natives in Taiwan. The school-based curriculum which offers flexibility in program design makes the difference in curriculum arrangement between aboriginal elementary school and general elementary school. The aboriginal elementary schools have developed the cultural programs, which include mother language, folk dance, chorus, ritual ceremony and traditional weave skill, relating to their historical background according to the traits that students present. On the other hand, the general elementary schools combine their programs with native humanism, environmental concerns or cooperate with community activities and public welfare organizations. The thesis analysis and compares the school-based curriculum of eight schools which include aboriginal and general elementary schools in north and central Taiwan by interviews, questionnaires and then obtains conclusions represented below. 1. The school-based curriculum of aboriginal elementary school inclines to develop cultural programs. 2. The school-based curriculum of general elementary school chiefly combines with community resources. 3. The aboriginal teachers concern more about national education than other teachers. 4. The students prefer topical subject curriculums. 5. Designing school-based curriculum forms characteristics of schools.

兩岸關係無法有效的開展與台灣各主要政黨的大陸政策的停滯，可以說是與大陸堅持「一個中國」、「一國兩制」有關。本研究的主要目的，是從民意的角度就台灣民眾希望的政治關係如何定位加以解析，而有別於其他研究是從兩岸政治精英的角度去探討兩岸問題；換言之，是一種由下而上的研究，而非傳統的由上而下的探討。 本研究從民意長期資料中擷取「統獨態度」、「族群認同」、「一國兩制支持度」等三項資料，分析台灣民眾究竟希望兩岸關係如何定位，是「邦聯制」、「聯邦制」、「中程協議」或「歐盟模式」。從民意分析的結果，本研究認為民眾最希望的是先採行「邦聯制」，而在兩岸差距拉近以後，再思考如何進行整合工作，惟必須在不影響台灣2300萬民眾利益下才能接受，否則寧可「維持現狀」達到實質獨立或宣布台灣獨立。 另外，本研究利用系統論來解析民進黨政府在陳水扁總統第一任期及第二任期大陸政策的修正原因，並預測在第二任期中，大陸政策將逐漸往中間移動，亦即最多只維持實質獨立，而不再堅持「一邊一國」的論述，同樣的，泛藍陣營將會因為民意趨勢而與泛綠陣營的大陸政策趨同。 關鍵詞：一個中國、一國兩制、民意調查、統獨態度、族群認同、邦聯制

政治傾向的研究長期以來一直為學界所重視，民眾的族群認同、國家認同與統獨立場、政黨認同，都是政治學界重要的研究的課題，然而學界普遍重視的是民眾政治傾向的趨勢、在大環境下轉變或持續的因素等等，卻鮮少討論政治傾向在婚姻的脈絡下轉變的可能性。本研究探討婚姻與政治傾向的關聯性，主要關心兩大問題：第一、政治傾向是否為擇偶的考量因素之一？第二、婚姻能否造成政治傾向的轉變？各種政治傾向中，族群認同、國家認同與統獨立場，以及政黨認同，三種政治傾向的轉變性與轉變的相關因素？再者，誰是影響者與被影響者，婚姻中的性別權力關係如何在政治傾向上展現？ 研究方法採用深度訪談的方式，運用夫妻配對研究，探求婚姻中兩性政治傾向轉變的可能性及其過程。 研究結果發現，可用同心圓模型描繪三種政治傾向在婚姻中的轉變性：在各種政治傾向中，個人的族群認同、國家認同與統獨立場相對較不易產生變動，不論夫或是妻的族群與國家認同，乃是取決於個人省籍背景以及外在政治經濟因素，而較不受到婚姻內部關係的影響；相對地，政黨認同則依夫妻影響力不同而在婚姻中產生變化，男方對女方產生實質影響。兩性在政治興趣、政治知識與政治資訊的差距，以及主導性特質，是先生影響力的來源，透過日常生活的累積性影響與選舉前的動員，發揮其影響力；妻子則缺乏影響動機與影響力，在減少衝突成本與維持認同的效益之權衡之下，政黨認同隨著先生而轉變。透過不同對配偶在不同政治傾向上的比較，可以看到夫妻權力關係的運作方向與方式。

本文就以當代台灣穆斯林做為觀察的對象，遷台後的大陸回民穆斯林基本上是延續了在大陸家鄉的回民傳統的生活形態，沒有出現太大的改變，由於遷台的穆斯林沒有足夠的穆斯林人口集中在一個地區，未能形成「哲瑪提」聚居的生活形態，所以在宗教生活像是飲食禁忌、婚喪喜慶、禮拜齋戒等等的實踐面臨困難，經過長期與左鄰右舍的漢民文化與習俗相處，逐漸失去穆斯林生活的色彩，就以台灣穆斯林的殯葬為例，不難發現穆斯林的殯葬當中所具有大陸回民地方特色的「念、整、洗、穿、站、送、埋、祈、搭救亡人」儀式之外，亡人家屬也受漢人殯葬習俗的影響，開始自我主張「回漢」混合殯葬的儀式 ，凸顯出台灣穆斯林的信仰已被漢文化快速滲透的事實。當今另有一部份的穆斯林以強烈的宗教訴求回歸伊斯蘭的經典，以「遵經革俗」的手法回到「從一而終論」 的殯葬方式，有許多傳統穆斯林無法適應的問題，使台灣穆斯林內部呈現不穩定的變革，筆者身為台灣穆斯林一份子，希望透過民族學（文化人類學）的研究視野與方法，藉由「殯葬問題」來觀察台灣穆斯林的宗教意識與族群認同變遷。

本研究旨在瞭解新住民家庭青少年台灣族群認同、母親原生國族群認同與自尊在不同人口背景變項上的差異，並探討三者間的關係。 本研究採取問卷調查法，以新北市板橋區、新莊區、三重區為範圍，共抽取八所公立國中之全數新住民家庭青少年為研究對象，最後獲得496名有效樣本。研究者以「台灣族群認同量表」、「母親原生國族群認同量表」、「自尊量表」等為研究工具，經資料分析後本研究之結果如下： 一、新住民家庭青少年對於台灣的族群認同與母親原生國的族群認同感，以及在自尊的表現上皆達到中上程度。 二、新住民家庭青少年對台灣的族群認同顯著高於對母親原生國家的族群認同。 三、新住民家庭青少年的台灣族群認同與人口變項有密切關係： （一）「是否與母親同住」會影響整體的台灣族群認同感、台灣族群歸屬感與台灣族群態度。未與母親同住者的整體台灣族群認同感、台灣族群歸屬感與台灣族群態度顯著高於有與母親同住者。 （二）「母親教育程度」、「父母親總收入」會影響台灣族群知覺。母親教育程度高中以上者的台灣族群知覺程度顯著高於母親教育程度國中以下者；父母親總收入高於四萬元者，其台灣族群知覺程度顯著高於父母親總收入四萬元以下者。 （三）「父親教育程度」會影響台灣族群歸屬感。父親教育程度高中以上者對台灣的族群歸屬感顯著高於父親教育程度國中以下者。 四、新住民家庭青少年的母親原生國族群認同與人口變項有密切關係： （一）「年級」會影響整體母親原生國族群認同、族群歸屬感、族群態度與族群投入。就讀於七年級與八年級者在整體母親原生國族群認同、族群歸屬感、族群態度與族群投入的程度皆顯著高於就讀九年級者。 （二）「是否與母親同住」會影響整體母親原生國族群認同、族群知覺、族群態度以及族群投入。有與母親同住者，其整體母親原生國族群認同、族群知覺、族群態度以及族群投入的程度皆顯著高於未與母親同住者。 （三）「父、母親教育程度」皆會影響對母親原生國的族群知覺。父、母親教育程度為高中以上者，其母親原生國族群知覺的表現顯著高於教育程度國中以下者。 （四）「自覺家庭經濟條件」會影響母親原生國的族群投入。自認為家中經濟條件與其他家庭差不多者在母親原生國的族群投入上顯著高於自覺家中經濟低於其他家庭者。 五、新住民家庭青少年的自尊與人口變項有密切關係：「是否與母親同住」、「父母親總收入」，以及「自覺家庭經濟條件」會影響自尊。有與母親同住者、父母親總收入高於四萬元者、自覺家庭經濟優於其他家庭以及自覺與其他家庭差不多者，其自尊會比未與母親同住、父母親總收入四萬元以下者、自覺家中經濟劣於其他家庭的新住民家庭青少年顯著更高。 六、新住民家庭青少年之「台灣族群認同」、「母親原生國族群認同」、以及「台灣與母親原生國族群認同間的落差」皆與自尊達到顯著相關。 七、新住民家庭青少年「自覺家庭經濟條件」、「台灣族群認同」、「母親原生國族群認同」對自尊具有解釋力。 　　最後，根據本研究之研究結果，提出對教育策略、政策規劃、實務工作者以及未來相關研究之具體建議。 / The purpose of this study was to investigate relationships among ethnic identity and self-esteem of the adolescents from new immigrant families in Taiwan. Three questionnaires -“Ethnic Identity toward Taiwan Scale”, “Ethnic Identity toward Nation of Immigrant Mother Scale”, and “Rosenberg Self-esteem Scale”- were applied for data collection. There were 496 subjects selected from 8 junior high school in Banqiao, Xinzhuang, Sanchong District in New Taipei City. The findings of this study were as follow: 1. For the adolescents from new immigrant families, the ethnic identity toward Taiwan and their immigrant mother’s nation and the self-esteem were all above the average. 2. For the adolescents from new immigrant families, the ethnic identity toward Taiwan were higher than ethnic identity toward their immigrant mother’s nation. 3. There were significant relationship between ethnic identity toward Taiwan and demographic variables in the adolescents from new immigrant families as follow: (1) “Residence with immigrant mother” had significant relationship with the ethnic identity toward Taiwan, ethnic sense of belonging toward Taiwan, and ethnic attitude toward Taiwan. (2) “Educational level of immigrant mother” and “Total income of parents” had significant relationship with the ethnic awareness of Taiwan. (3) “Educational level of father” had significant relationship with the ethnic sense of belonging toward Taiwan. 4. There were significant relationship between ethnic identity toward nation of immigrant mother and demographic variables in the adolescents from new immigrant families as follow: (1) “Grade of adolescents” had significant relationship with the ethnic identity toward nation of immigrant mother, ethnic sense of belonging toward nation of immigrant mother, ethnic attitude toward nation of immigrant mother, and ethnic involvement of nation of immigrant mother. (2) “Residence with immigrant mother” had significant relationship with the ethnic identity toward nation of immigrant mother, ethnic awareness of nation of immigrant mother, ethnic attitude toward nation of immigrant mother, and ethnic involvement of nation of immigrant mother. (3) “Educational level of father and immigrant mother” had significant relationship with the ethnic awareness of nation of immigrant mother. (4) “Economical condition of family” had significant relationship with the ethnic involvement of nation of immigrant mother. 5. There were significant relationship between self-esteem and demographic variables in the adolescents from new immigrant families. “Residence with immigrant mother”, “Total income of parents”, and “Economical condition of family” had significant relationship with their self-esteem. 6. There were significant correlation between “ethnic identity toward Taiwan”, “ethnic identity toward nation of immigrant mother”, and “difference of ethnic identity toward Taiwan and nation of immigrant mother” and their self-esteem. 7. “Economical condition of family”, “ethnic identity toward Taiwan”, and “ethnic identity toward nation of immigrant mother” were elements significantly affected self-esteem. According to above findings, I offered some suggestions to education, policy, and social work administration and other researchers in the nearly future.

對中國大陸及相關問題的研究，在面對中國大陸以政治、經濟與武力威脅，並不時主張對台擁有主權的台灣而言，實在很難脫離「顯學」的地位；也就是因為中國大陸的威脅一直存在著，兩岸關係與台灣的生存就不得不緊密結合在一起，所以對中國大陸問題的研究，以兩岸關係作為研究結果的呈現，就成為學者所熱中的項目之一。當前，兩岸關係的研究已到汗牛充棟的地步，但對兩岸關係理論的建立卻明顯不足，這個不足對於已有的兩岸關係研究成果，常構成諸多不周延之處，經常被學者提及。 現有兩岸關係的研究，雖有外交史途徑(the diplomatic history approach)、分裂國家途徑(the divided nation approach)、理性選擇途徑(the rational choice approach)、菁英衝突途徑(the elite conflict approach)及不對稱政治過程途徑(the asymmetrical political approach)等五大類，但卻沒有任何一類將台灣國家認同分作制度認同、文化認同及族群認同三個環節加以討論，並依此討論作為研究兩岸關係的途徑者，但明顯的卻是台灣的國家認同內涵變化，對於兩岸關係具有決定性的影響力，因此，本論文在假設中共對台「併吞」態度長期不變的情況下，集中探討台灣民眾由兩蔣時代經李登輝時代，到陳水扁時代的國家認同轉變，及其對兩岸的影響，並意圖建構以台灣國家認同變遷作為自變相，以兩岸關係作為應變相的兩岸關係研究途徑（approach），甚至進一步建立國家認同變遷對兩岸關係影響的理論，至少也應補充現有兩岸關係的各類理論，讓各家理論或研究途徑在解釋、描繪與預測兩岸關係過程中，多加考慮台灣民眾對國家認同的主流意向，使得兩岸關係的相關理論或途徑因而更加周延與完備。 「國家認同」（national Identity）的含意眾說紛紜，國內學者江宜樺教授主張國家認同應該以「族群認同」、「文化認同」及「制度認同」三個主要層面來討論，只有三個層面的綜合表現，才得以稱為完整的國家認同內涵，本文就是借用此三個環節，進行國家認同的討論，本文中更指：「族群認同」是以認同中國人或認同台灣人為討論主軸，「文化認同」則指台灣經由本土化的推動後，台灣人民對於台灣文化或中國傳統文化認同的區隔，「制度認同」是在討論台灣人民認同中華民國政治體制運作，或認同中華人民共和國政治體制運作的區別；由兩蔣時期、李登輝時期及陳水扁時期，台灣在此三個環節中的整體表現，構結出當時特有的國家認同表現，從中以縱向比較的方式，討論台灣國家認同的變遷情形，並就當時的國家認同情形與當時的兩岸關係作相對應的探討，以建立自兩蔣以降台灣國家認同變遷與兩岸關係變化的因果關係，再從因果關係的確立中，推論出現階段及往後兩岸關係，在台灣領導人有意引導國家認同變遷方向，及中共僵硬的對台政策相互衝撞下，兩岸關係的可能發展方向，提供在此領域的研究者另一種值得深思的面向與空間，讓兩岸關係的理論建構更加完備。 / Researches of Mainland China and relative inquires can hardly be separated from the position of “Explicit Learning” in Taiwan, while facing political, economical as well as military threats from Mainland China, in addition to the constant declaration of its sovereign right on Taiwan. Due to the threats from Mainland Chain remain unchanged, cross-strait relations and the existence of Taiwan can’t help but tightly link together. Thus, presentations of research results concerning cross-strait relations have become one of the popular research topics for scholars. At present, numerous researches of cross-strait relations have been carried out, yet the establishment of cross-strait relations theory is somehow obviously inadequate. Such insufficiency often results in a variety of negligence to the outcome of existed cross-strait relations researches and it is frequently brought up by scholars. Although present researches on cross-strait relations are categorized into five approaches; the diplomatic history approach, the divided nation approach, the rational choice approach, the elite conflict approach and the asymmetrical political approach. Nevertheless, there is none to categorize Taiwan national identity into three key aspects which are systematic identity, cultural identity and ethnic identity for further discussion, and nor is it discussed accordingly to include it as an approach of researching cross-strait relations. However, it is clearly that the connotation change of Taiwan’s national identity has decisive influence on cross-strait relations. As a result, this dissertation is based on the assumption that China’s attitude of swallowing up Taiwan by military force remains unchanged in the long run and concentrates on the discussion of national identity alteration of the Taiwan people starting from the era of Chiang Kai-Sheik and his son Chiang Ching-Kuo, via the era of Lee Teng-Hui to the era of Chen Shui-Bian , and its influence on Mainland China and Taiwan. It also means to build a research approach on cross-strait relations in this dissertation by setting the change of Taiwan‘s national identity as the independent variable and cross-strait relations as the dependent variable. It further establishes a theory of the influence of national identity alternation on cross-strait relations. Therefore, this dissertation at least provides additional information to assorted theories of cross-strait relations and allows scholars to take the main-stream national identity of the Taiwan People into deeper consideration while they are in the process of explaining, describing and predicting cross-strait relations; hence, it makes the related theories or approaches of cross-strait relations sounder and more complete. The meaning of national identity is rather confusing. Professor Chiang Yi-Hua thinks that national identity ought to be discussed from three aspects of ethnic identity, cultural identity and systematic identity. Without a combined performance of these three aspects complete national identity connotation can’t be existed. This research uses these three aspects to make discussions on national identity. In the research it clearly points out “national identity” is discussed mainly on identifying the Chinese or identifying Taiwan people and “cultural identity” means the identity division of the Taiwan people towards Taiwan culture or Chinese traditional culture after the movement of localization. “Systematic identity” is to discuss the identity difference of the Taiwan people in the political system operations of the Republic of China or People’s Republic of China. Taiwan’s overall performance of these three aspects, from the era of Chiang, Kai-Sheik and Chiang Ching-Kuo, via the era of Lee Teng-Hui to the era of Chen Shui-Bian, created a specific national identity performance during those periods. Vertical comparison was applied to discuss the change of Taiwan’s national identity. Mutual discussions on national identity and cross-strait relations during that period are also completed to launch cause-result connection between Taiwan’s national identity and change of cross-strait relations since the two Chiang era, afterwards, present and future cross-strait relations are inferred from the certainty of cause-result connection and possible development of cross-strait relations under the impacts of Taiwan leader who intends to induce the alternation direction of national identity and Mainland China’s stiff Taiwan policy. It is to present another thinking path and space to researchers who are involved in this field and allow the theory structure of cross-strait relations better equipped.

近幾十年來的台灣，政治舞台上一直是由兩大政黨扮演主角。然而，兩大政黨支持者意識形態的嚴重分歧，導至在政黨政治的發展過程中，蒙上一層情緒化、不理性的陰影。本研究乃選擇了社會認同理論(Social Identity Theory)做為論文的理論依據，企圖探討這些問題。本研究目的是探討國內兩大政黨的支持者，如何形成其政黨認同，以及對政策的判斷是否受認同團體的影響而有所偏差。研究方法的使用，除了設計一問卷，來了解兩大政黨不同的意識形態，並企圖驗證台灣地區人民對於政策好壞的判斷，是否受其政黨支持屬性所左右。另外，在文獻的探討過程中，也對兩團成員的認同發展，做了一些探索與推論。前一部份符合心理學科學實驗的典範，後一部份則檢示歷史的發展，偏重於邏輯的推理。在實徵研究方面，分成兩個部分。研究一是使用一份自編的政黨意識形態問卷，施以大樣本問卷調查，比較兩大政黨支持者所具有的不同意識形態，以及不同的族群自我定義。研究二以一個實驗操弄來驗證內團體偏私現象。研究結果發現，新的族群分類方式正在取代原有的省籍分類，一種抽象的族群自我定義：「台灣人是台灣人」和「台灣人是中國人」的二分法，將台灣地區的人民劃分為兩個新族群。這兩個新族群恰與兩大政黨意識形態相符。另外以本省人和外省人為主的省籍情結並未消失，它只是轉化為上述的兩種抽象定義。因此，省籍的背景，加上個人對中國文化的信仰程度，決定了一個人的政黨認同取向。而一個政黨意識形態較強的人，在對政策的態度上，常常不知不覺的受到己團體意見所左右，而不能客觀地判斷政策的優劣。尤其以民進黨意識形態者所產生的這種內團體偏私較強，國民黨意識形態者的內團體偏私現象則較不明顯。最後，根據本研究的結果，對台灣政治生態發展所做的建議是，唯有將台灣意識或中國意識視為一種文化意識，而非族群意識。台灣地區人民才可能將族群認同與政黨認同分開 ，並發出理性的政黨認同，與團結的國家認同。 / There are two major political parties that play important roles in the scene of Taiwan politics. The KMT have government Taiwan area over fifty years, which came from mainland China. Being a minority group as opposed to the KMT, the natures of the DPP supporters are not as same as the members of the KMT. Their ancestors have lived in Taiwan for hundreds of years. Consequently, the ethno identity and the political identity are confused with each other for most of the people in Taiwan. Someone would choose suort one political group not because their cognition to politics, but because most their ethno background. It is to say, one whose fathers came from mainland china would mostly support the KMT than the DPP. One whose fathers were birth in Taiwan is mostly support the DPP than the KMT.The purpose of research is to find out the difference of ideology between two political groups. Besides I will utilize the real- life intergroup relationship for proving in-group bias. Two methods of research were adopted. One is historical research, and the other is an experimental method. The results reveal that there were different ideology in two groups. The KMT supporters usually have more conservative attitudes about politics. The DPP supporters have more open attitudes with their opinions. The ethno backgrounds usually display the role of accentuation. On the other hand, The in-group bias phenomenon has been partly proved. It means that there is a vivid in-group bias phenomenon in minority group. Someone who supports the DPPave a higher rating with the statement that talked by the DPP member. The conclusion of the research also reveals something. There were two opposed opinions rising to explain someone's identification for their sense of belonging. What opinions someone may choose are usually decided by their political identity. One who supports the KMT choose more likely the opinion "Taiwanese is also a Chinese." One who supports the DPP accept more likely the opinion "Taiwanese is just a Taiwanese." Because the two opinionsre abstract definition, so they are not decided by someone's descent. That is to say the traditional manners of ethno category by dialect are broken. The new manner of ethno category is not imposed by someone's descent. I am not optimistic about the phenomenon. The rise of the new ethno definition does not only completely displace the old system of category but also confused with each other. It must have the Taiwan people divided into more small groups. So I predict in the future, The ethno identity of Taiw people would be more complicated .