現在台灣的國家（族群）認同正處在一個不明的階段，不僅是族群間有對立的國族意識型態，對第三國－日本的態度似乎也出現族群之間的不同。本研究目的就在瞭解台灣的不同族群之間是否有不同的對日態度，以及族群認同的工具性是否涉入其中。抽樣295位台灣民眾所得的研究結果顯示，不同族群認同者確實有不同的對日態度。族群自我認同為「台灣人」者比起其他族群認同類別者給予日本比給予中國更多的好評，另外，他們也覺得中國比較沒有那麼親近，同時也對日本負面歷史行為做出更有利的歸因。此外，台灣人民的台灣意識為其「族群認同」對親日態度預測力的中介變項。研究結果以選擇性遺忘、建構認同及三角群際關係來加以解釋，亦即，後殖民時期台灣人民的對日態度為建構自身認同所展現的工具性態度，目的在對抗主要外團體中國，不能只是解釋為殖民主義的影響。 / This study was set to investigate how people in Taiwan perceive Japan and China differently in terms of their ethnic identities. Taiwan has experienced the Japanese colonial regime and the Nationalist regime consecutively each for about fifty years. Over the century, Taiwan has kept searching for its collective identity, and China remains the number one threat to its nation-building project. From 295 sampled Taiwan people, we found different ethnic self-identifiers showed different attitudes toward Japanese. Those who identify themselves with Taiwanese showed most positive attitudes toward Japanese, regardless of the fact that they are mostly offspring of people having been through Japan colonial regime. To be more specific, they tended to evaluate Japan better than China, to rate China less close, and to make more “Japanese-serving attribution” when reasoning about Japanese's historical brutality during the Second World War. Moreover, the correlation between Taiwan people's ethnic identities and their attitudes toward Japanese has been found mediated by Taiwan political ideology. The results were discussed by referring to instrumentality of ethnic identification and selective forgetting of collective history in order to reconstruct a new ethnic identity.

本研究探索台灣與東南亞籍跨國婚姻子女其自我概念、外表形象與族群認同之內涵及三者概念之間的關連性。本研究以質性研究方法進行，透過參與觀察、焦點團體以及個別深入訪談等多元方式從事資料蒐集並以歸納方式進行分析。本研究對象主要包括了五個類別的青少年：外表具有明顯族群特徵的跨國原生家庭青少年、外表不具有明顯族群特徵的跨國原生家庭青少年、外表具有明顯族群特徵的跨國繼親家庭青少年、親生父母皆為台灣人的跨國繼親家庭青少年以及特殊類別青少年。本研究產生幾項主要發現：(1) 跨國家庭青少年在自我概念上的形塑與一般青少年無異；他們皆能以抽象字眼描述自己，並運用多種不同面向以建構其自我概念。在當中，父母和同儕為影響其自我概念的重要他人。(2)外表亦為跨國家庭青少年自我概念的重要面向之一，尤其是女性。此外，跨國家庭青少年所持之審美觀與一般青少年並無明顯差異。(3)跨國家庭青少年均已發展出初步的族群認同，能選擇自身的族群身份以及運用族群相關線索來區分「我群」和「他群」。同時，外表特徵影響自身揭露族群身份的經驗與方式，具有明顯族群外表者較無彈性選擇族群身份界定與揭露方式。(4)對於擁有明顯族群外表特徵的跨國原生家庭青少年與特殊類別青少年而言，他人對其族群身份與外表特徵的評價，會明顯地對其自我概念產生雙重影響，其中性別亦為一個重要因素。對女性來說，明顯的族群外表特徵（例如膚色黑）容易降低她們對外表的自信。本研究的結果，期望能對跨國家庭及族群研究，相關決策者，以及台灣社會大眾做出有意義的貢獻。 / The aim of this research is to understand the relations among self-concept, ethnic identification and the perception of physical appearance in the adolescents from transnational families composed of Taiwanese and Southeast Asians. The study uses qualitative research methods to collect and analyze data, and the sample comprises five categories: the adolescents from transnational families with identifiable ethnic physical features, the adolescents from transnational families without identifiable ethnic physical features, the adolescents from transnational stepfamilies with identifiable ethnic physical features, the Taiwanese-born adolescents from transnational stepfamilies, and the special category. There are several findings from this research. First, the construction of self concept is similar between adolescents from transnational families and the general Taiwanese adolescents; they are able to describe themselves in abstract sense and present their self-concepts in multiple dimensions. Parents and peers are significant sources of influence in their construction of self concepts. Second, the perception of physical appearance is a significant aspect of self concept in adolescents from transnational families, and this is especially so to female adolescents. Moreover, the perceptions of beauty and physical appearance of adolescents from transnational families tend to coincide with those of the general Taiwanese adolescents. Third, the adolescents from transnational families have developed preliminary ethnic identities, which are shown by their abilities to indicate their ethnic memberships and to distinguish the ethnic in-groups from out-groups. Furthermore, physical appearance tends to affect the ways and experiences of revealing ethnic identities. Adolescents with identifiable ethnic physical features generally have less power to negotiate their ethnic identities. Fourth, to those adolescents from transnational families with identifiable ethnic physical features and the adolescent in the special category, others’ opinions of their ethnic memberships and their ethnically denoted physical appearances can powerfully shape their self-concepts, and gender acts as an important factor affecting this linkage. To the female adolescents from transnational families with identifiable ethnic features, their self-esteem is likely to be negatively influenced by their ethnically denoted physical appearances. The results of this study are expected to contribute to the academic fields of transnational family study and ethnicity, as well as to policy makers and the general Taiwanese society.

大部分在台灣的客家人都會說中文,但是其中有些客家人說國語時會留下客語的遺跡。本篇論文已語言上,場合正式性上,地理區域,以及社會因素等方面探討部分客家人把國語的/ɕ/唸成[s]的原因。 本篇論文包含量化分析以及質化分析,在量化分析上透過面對面的交談,念文章,以及唸單字等方法來收集資料。量化分析上總共有32位受試者,且受試者依照性別,教育程度,年齡以及地理區域以二分法的方式。而在質化分析上的受試者和量化分析的受試者為同一批人,但只有29位再次參與調查。 本篇主要的發現為: (1)在語言內部因素中,字頻,鄰近音,以及音節結構對於語音變異皆有影響。(2)語音變異的確有擴散的現象。(3)在語言外部的因素中,年齡以及地理區域的影響比場合正式性及性別來得大,但教育程度的影響則很微弱。整體而言:(1)本篇調查的語音透過語言內部,場合正式性,社會以及地理空間擴散 (2)語言內部以及語言外部皆對與音變異有影響,但語言外部的因素的影響比內部因素來得大。 / Most Hakka speakers in Taiwan, if not all, speak Mandarin Chinese. Among them, many leave some traces of their Hakka background in their Mandarin pronunciation. This thesis aims at analyzing the linguistic, situational, geographical, and social causes of the emergence of [s] as a phonetic variant of /ɕ/ in Mandarin by Hakka speakers. In this study, both quantitative and qualitative analyses were conducted to locate the internal and the external constraints on the target phonetic variation. Those data for quantitative analyses were collected from the linguistic production by 32 native speakers of Hakka in casual conversation, reading passage, and reading characters. Subjects of this study are equally distributed to two genders, two education levels, two age groups, and two geographical areas (namely, in Taoyuan City and Chungli City, two cities in which a large proportion of Hakka speakers reside) . As for data for qualitative analyses collected from 29 of the 32 subjects of the quantitative tests, only those parts of the qualitative design that were implemented correctly were analyzed. The major findings of this study are (1) among the internal factors, word frequency, preceding vowels, and syllable structure were found to be influential to the target phonetic variation; (2) the target phonetic variation does expands through lexical diffusion; and (3) among the external factors, age and geographical area are more influential than situational formality and gender, but the impact of education level is weak. General conclusion of this study include (1) this target phonetic variation is expanding gradually through linguistic, situational, and social/geographical spaces; and (2) both internal and external factors are effective, with external factors being more influential than internal factors. Key words: phonetic variation, lexical diffusion, formality, Hakka dialect, sociolinguistic variation, ethnic identity

對於俄羅斯與烏克蘭而言，由於兩國之間長久以來極為密切的歷史與文化關係，因此始終難以接受蘇聯瓦解之事實。迄今，許多俄羅斯人依然視基輔為羅斯民族之出生地，且不認為烏克蘭是一個主權獨立的國家。更確切的說，俄羅斯人認為基輔羅斯乃是導引東正教與俄語進入俄國之發祥地。儘管俄烏之間具有不可割捨的兄弟之情，但當兩個民族或想像共同體對於其彼此疆界、文化等存有歧見時，則仍無法避免各種紛至沓來的紛爭問題。就克里米亞之黑海艦隊為例，顯示俄烏對於塞瓦斯托波爾城之想像共同體的重疊。同時，亦攸關俄烏兩國對於領土與心理疆界，產生必須且窘困的界定過程。 克里米亞半島素有黑海”鑰匙”之稱，不但是烏克蘭通往世界之大門，亦是各國經黑海進入東歐和亞洲的良港。由於其戰略位置之重要性，致使各種不同的政治勢必，紛紛介入克里米亞半島領土歸屬問題。蘇聯崩解後，克里米亞半島動盪不安的情勢，已造成黑海地區俄羅斯與烏克蘭雙邊關係之威脅，並儼然形成如同納戈爾諾－卡拉巴赫或阿布卡齊亞緊張衝突之溫床。克里米亞在蘇聯繼承國家之中，雖然尚不足以列入族裔衝突之範疇。但隨著反對國家之間領土紛爭的自決主張之聲浪，及自蘇聯時期懸而未決的軍事政治問題遺緒之情況下。致使克里米亞問題，成為俄烏兩國與國際緊張關係之焦點。 簡言之，克里米亞問題之根源在於其地區的人口分佈與地緣政治歷史。一九四四年，史達林以串通納粹敵國之罪名，將所有克里米亞韃靼人（約二十萬人）集體驅逐遷往中亞地區。截至一九八Ｏ年代末期，在近五十年漫長歲月中，克里米亞韃靼人不但其基本文化權及族群認同遭到否決，甚至於在蘇聯的人口統計資料中，未曾出現克里米亞韃靼人。蘇聯瓦解後，克里米亞始終受到兩方面重疊勢力的控制：其一、克里米亞共和國當局，與要求承認其歷史及領土權利的克里米亞韃靼人；其二、尋求獨立並要求回歸俄羅斯的克里米亞共和國親俄領導人士，及反對克里米亞分離主義之烏克蘭當局。這些勢力圍繞著一個相同的基本政治問題：誰擁有克里米亞半島之主權？就目前情勢而論，克里米亞韃靼積極份子要求承認其國家地位；然而，克里米亞境內及外在的敵對勢力，則頗不以為然。無庸置疑，歷史爭論與目前克里米亞的情勢發展，實乃息息相關。 / For Russians and Ukrainians, the disintegration of the Soviet Union has been particularly difficult due to the extremely close historical and cultural ties between the two countries. Many Russians still view Kyiv as the birthplace of their nation（Rus’）and do not conceive of Ukraine as an independent country. Rather, they think of it as Kievan Rus’, the land that brought the Orthodox Christian religion and the Russian language to Russia. As relations between Russia and Ukraine reveal, however, problems can arise when two imagined communities, or nations, disagree over the boundaries（cultural or otherwise） that distinguish them. In the case of the Black Sea Fleet dispute, the imagined communities of Russia and Ukraine overlap at Sevastopol. Throughout Crimea’s complicated history, the peninsula’s strategic location on the Black Sea has made it a desirable military outpost and warm-water port, leading to territorial claims by a great variety of political forces. Since the demise of the Soviet Union, the unstable situation in Crimea has threatened to turn the Black Sea region of Russia and Ukraine into a hotbed of tension similar to Nagorno-Karabakh or Abkhazia. While the Crimea still cannot be listed among the numerous areas of violent ethno-political conflict in the Soviet successor states, it has recently become a focus of domestic and international tension, with conflicting self-determination claims voiced against a background of interstate territorial disputes and an unsettled legacy of military-political issues from the Soviet period. Simply put, the conflict over Crimea has its roots in the region’s demographic and geopolitical history. In 1944, accused of collaboration with the Nazi invaders, the entire Crimean Tatar population（by then some 200,000） was deported, mostly to Central Asia. For over forty years, Crimean Tatars were denied basic cultural rights and even an ethic identity; until the 1980s, Crimean Tatars never appeared in Soviet population statistics. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Crimea has been the object of two overlapping rivalries for control: first between the Crimean Republic authorities and the Crimean Tatars, who demand recognition of their historic and territorial rights to the peninsula; and second between pro-Russian leaders of the Crimean Republic, who want either independence or reunification of the peninsula with Russia, and the Ukrainian authorities, who oppose Crimean separatism and insist that Crimea remain an integral part of Ukraine. These movements revolve around the same basic political question: who has sovereignty over the Crimean peninsula? Presently, Crimean Tatar activists regard the Crimean ASSR as a recognition of Crimean Tatar statehood, while their opponents in the Crimea and beyond are convinced that the autonomous formation was purely administrative. The historical controversy is, of course, highly relevant to the present situation in the Crimea.

社區的特質和傳播的過程，兩者相似程度甚高，本研究將社區視為研究場域，藉此探索傳播的本質和運作方式。其目的之一，是認為傳播和社區的認同有密切的關聯，因而想從中找到關聯的性質；之二則是相信在社區情境中，可以從更多元而深刻的面向發掘並探討傳播的基本意義。 本研究的脈絡「美濃反水庫運動」，是高雄縣美濃鎮的鎮民因為反對政府的美濃水庫興建案，自民國八十一年開始發動的族群社區抗爭運動。本研究採用運動發動者所使用的論述主題，根據「共識動員」的理論架構分析之，再對照美濃此一客家族群社區原本具備對自身的認同，來檢視上述兩者之間的關係：一、美濃既有的族群認同在論述中如何被呈現；二、在訊息傳播的過程中，認同的意識和機制如何影響運動策略。而經由分析得到的結果，以傳播的角度來觀視，呈現了什麼樣的意義?發掘了什麼過去所末見的觀點? 本研究發現，在一個族群社區中，當發生涉及集體利益的公共議題、攸關族群的存續時，社區應對的機制和過程中，因為祖裔連帶、共同經驗和集體記憶所形成的認同感，往往會成為集結協志力量所動員的主要資源。在美濃反水庫運動的案例中，族群的認同，在整個訊息傳布的過程中，成為論述生產的核心基調。 其次，由於客家族群象徵符號的密集運作，運動的意義已經超越維護性命身家財產安全的現實層次，提升為族群傳統和歷史文化保衛的集體形上意義，召喚出心中對所屬族群和社區共同利益的認同，建構起對社會真實新的認知。 在一個社區內，認同的形塑過程其實也就是傳播的運作過程。人們從社區中吸收和攫取文他特質以形成集體共識，就是透過傳播的機制，藉由符號的傳遞與互動而漸次形成。而每一個成員的活動，也經由轉換成各類象徵符號，傳遞和儲存在社區的集體記隱之中，並形成新的認同。 本研究希望藉由本土的實例研究，開始深刻思索社區傳播此一取向在傳播研究中可以強化既有成果的地方，做為未來進一步研究的紮實基礎，從中累積經驗和論述，逐步建立起一個新的研究領域。 關鍵字：社區傳播、社區、美濃鎮、美濃反水庫運動、社區認同、族群認同、共識動員、社會運動、文本分析、客家、意義建構