本文調查年輕世代 (1988 至 1995 年間出生者) 閩南語的變調範域 (Tone Sandhi Domain)，即調群 (Tone Group)。文中以「傳統調群」表文獻記載的變調範域，以「新調群」表本文重新調查的變調範域。論文的研究立基於音韻句法互動之上，並持間接指涉假設觀點，從韻律音韻學的角度出發，認為句法音韻間存有一韻律介面，且調群為此介面上的韻律單位：音韻詞組 (Phonological Phrase, ϕ)。 本文發現新調群與傳統調群的劃分相異。前人研究指出，調群邊界 (#) 標於音韻詞組右端，音韻詞組為一最大投射 XP，且不可為附加語及附著語。新調群僅部分可以傳統音韻詞組界定，其他則對應至句法上的主要語 X，以及附加語最大投射 XP。此外，新調群的邊界為選擇性地出現，具語言變異。新調群出現四種於傳統調群未見的劃分形式：依調群邊界前的語法單位分為主要語 X 類別：(1) V # NP # (2) V # QP # 及附加語 XP 類別： (3) QP # A # (4) AdvP # V #。 本文提出調群新定義，並以優選理論中的 ROE 模型進行分析，提出三個新制約：Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ)、ϕ-min 及 Align-R (X-head, ϕ)。Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ) 用以區分功能性投射與詞彙性投射；ϕ-min 限制音韻詞組至少含兩音節；Align-R (X-head, ϕ) 解釋調群邊界標註於主要語 X 右端。分析時著重制約 Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ) 、ϕ-min 及 Align-R (X-head, ϕ) 與切分線 | (Critical Cut-Off Line) 的關係。整體制約排序為：Ident-T-Rϕ | Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ) >> ϕ-min >> Align-R (X-head, ϕ) >> *T >> Align-R (XP-Lex, ϕ)。除信實性制約 Ident-T-Rϕ 之外，其他標記性制約皆列於切分線之下，預測語言變異。 / The goal of this thesis is to explore the tone sandhi domain, tone group (hereafter, TG), of Taiwan Southern Min of younger generation. A corpus is built and analyzed within the framework of Prosodic Theory, a derived theory from the Phonology-Syntax Interface Theory. In the literature, TG boundary # was marked at the right edge of an XP which is neither an adjunct nor a clitic. However, the TG boundary # of younger generation is marked at the right edges of a maximal XP, an adjunctive XP and an X-head. Moreover, language variation is observed in the TG parsing: the presence of TG boundary # is optional. There are four TG parsings not observed in the literature: (1) V # NP # (2) V # QP # (3) QP # A # (4) AdvP # V #. TG is redefined as a Phonological Phrase which syntactically corresponds to a maximal XP, an adjunct XP, an X-head but not to a clitic XP. The four TG parsings are then analyzed with Rank-Ordering Model of EVAL (ROE), a subtheory within the Optimality Theory domain which particularly addresses language variation. According to ROE, constraints on the right side of critical cut-off line participate in the prediction of variation. Three constraints involving in variation are proposed: Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ), ϕ-min and Align-R (X-head, ϕ). Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ) distinguishes lexical projection and functional projection, ϕ-min requires a Phonological Phrase to be minimally disyllabic, and Align-R (X-head, ϕ) predicts # to occur at the right edge of an X-head. The analysis centers around the three constraints’ relation with the critical cut-off line. The constraint rankings are: Ident-T-Rϕ | Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ) >> ϕ-min >> Align-R (X-head, ϕ) >> *T >> Align-R (XP-Lex, ϕ). Except for the faithfulness constraint Ident-T-Rϕ, the other markedness constraints are arranged at the right side of the cut-off line in order to predict language variation.

本篇論文旨在從優選理論（Optimality Theory）之框架背景來探討國、台語夾碼（Mandarin-Taiwanese Code-Mixing）時的連讀變調現象。由於此現象之探討涉及國語及台語之變調，本篇論文亦從優選理論之觀點來探討國語三聲變調（Mandarin Tone Sandhi）以及台語的變調（Taiwanese Tone Sandhi）。 在國語三聲變調方面，由於傳統派生（derivational）模式在處理國語三聲變調時，仍遺留了些許的問題。例如，無法以一致的方式來處理non-PP和PP的變調現象。本文主要針對這個問題，重新以優選理論的角度提出解決之道。文中分別提出了一組韻律制約（Prosodic Constraint）及一組聲調制約（Tonal Constraint）；根據這兩組制約，傳統派生模式所遺留下的缺失則得以獲得妥善的處理。 在台語變調方面，台語變調在傳統派生模式的探討中亦遺留下些許問題。例如，無法以一致的方式來處理non-adjunct和adjunct以及non-clitic和clitic的變調問題。本文根據優選理論，重新分析台語變調。文中分別提出了一組韻律制約及一組聲調制約；根據此兩組制約，則可以成功的免除傳統派生分析模式下的缺失。 國、台語夾碼時的變調是未曾被探討過的問題。本文先就國、台語夾碼時的變調，提出一個派生模式的分析。不過，以派生模式來處理國、台語夾碼變調時，遺留下必須限定國語變調規則和台語變調規則的運作次序這項缺點。因此，本文根據優選理論，重新分析了這個變調現象，並提出了一組聲調制約；這組聲調制約，配合國語及台語的韻律制約，得以成功的處理傳統派生模式所遺留下的問題。 / The present thesis is mainly devoted to the research issue of tone sandhi in Mandarin-Taiwanese code-mixing using an Optimality Theoretic (OT) Approach. Since the study of this code-mixed tone sandhi necessarily involves the tone sandhi rules of Mandarin and of Taiwanese, the tone sandhi phenomena in Mandarin and in Taiwanese are carefully discussed under OT as well. Tone sandhi in Mandarin has been widely studied by many Chinese linguistics under the derivational approach. This thesis argues that the previous analyses to Mandarin tone sandhi are inadequate and that an Optimality Theoretic approach is needed to account for tone sandhi in Mandarin. The inadequacy of the previous analyses comes from the common failure of offering a uniform solution to account for non-PP and PP word stings in Mandarin. Based on the Optimality Theory, this thesis proposes two sets of constraints to account for Mandarin tone sandhi; one is the prosodic constraints set and the other is the tonal constraints set. This thesis proves that these two constraints can successfully get rid of the problem left by the derivational tradition. Tone sandhi in Taiwanese is also widely studied by many Chinese linguistics under the derivational approach. This thesis argues that the previous analyses to Taiwanese tone sandhi are inadequate and that an Optimality Theoretic approach is needed to account for tone sandhi in Taiwanese. The inadequacy of the previous analyses comes from the fact that Taiwanese word strings with non-adjunct and adjunct structures as well as with non-clitic and clitic structures fail to be accounted for using a uniform solution. Based on the Optimality Theory, this thesis proposes two sets of constraints to account for Taiwanese tone sandhi; one is the prosodic constraints set and the other is the tonal constraints set. This thesis proves that these two constraints can successfully get rid of the problem left by the derivational tradition. Tone sandhi in Mandarin-Taiwanese code-mixing is a phenomenon that is very interesting but has not been studied before. This thesis thus offers a derivational analysis to this tone sandhi phenomenon first, where it is found that (1) in Mandarin-Taiwanese code-mixing, a Mandarin base tone can trigger Taiwanese tone sandhi and a Taiwanese low tone can trigger Mandarin tone sandhi, (2) in Mandarin-Taiwanese code-mixing, the Mandarin tone sandhi rule is sensitive to all and only the Mandarin tone sandhi domain and the Taiwanese tone sandhi rule is sensitive to all and only the Taiwanese tone sandhi domain, and (3) in Mandarin-Taiwanese code-mixing, the Taiwanese tone sandhi rule must apply before the Mandarin tone sandhi rule to derive the tonal output. However, since the demand for an extrinsic rule order between the tone sandhi rules of Mandarin and Taiwanese is inadequate, the tone sandhi phenomenon is reanalyzed under the framework of the Optimality Theory. A set of tonal constraints is proposed. According to the tonal constraints set, the inadequacy left by the derivational approach is successfully avoided.

本論文以優選理論分析六家饒平客語和寧都田頭客語雙音節詞之連讀變調，並藉由聲調內部結構說明變調的動機。在六家饒平客語方面，主要是呈現位置變調(positional tone sandhi)，較有標(more marked)的聲調位於前字時發生變調。另外，此方言的陽平和陽去因歷史演變，兩者的本調(citation tone)同為HH，但兩者因不同的變調形式而產生不同的變調(sandhi tone)。陽去的變調形式為位置變調，而陽平的變調形式為環境變調(contextual tone sandhi)。本文採用聯合制約(Local Constraint Conjunction)捕捉環境變調制約運作的環境。另外，運用「詞素特定音韻」(morpheme-specific phonology)標記聯合制約，解釋陽平和陽去不同的變調規則。在寧都田頭客語方面，變調受詞法結構影響，且兩個音節皆有可能發生變調。本文利用標記制約理論(indexed constraints approach)解釋不同結構的變調情形。另藉由位置信實制約不同的排序，嘗試說明聲調的保留屬於類型差異(typological differences)。而此方言的變調類型包含位置變調和環境變調，同樣要求較有標的聲調改變，並使用聯合制約說明在環境變調的情況下制約運作的環境。 / This thesis investigates the tone sandhi in Liujia Raoping Hakka and Ningdu Tiantou Hakka under the framework of Optimality Theory. The internal structure of the tone reveals the motivation and the mechanism of tone sandhi. In terms of the tone sandhi in Liujia Raoping Hakka, the universal tonal markedness tendency could be regarded as the motivation triggering the positional tone sandhi in the left syllable. Moreover, the morpheme-specific phonology is adapted to account for the tone sandhi of historical merged tones, Yangping and Yangqu. Yangping and Yangqu are both high level tones; however, they display different tone sandhi patterns. Yangping displays the contextual tone sandhi whereas Yangqu displays the positional tone sandhi. Local conjunction constraints are posited to restrict markedness constraints to specific contexts in order to account for the mechanism of contextual tone sandhi. On the other hand, in terms of the tone sandhi in Ningdu Tiantou Hakka, the tone sandhi is construction sensitive and takes place in both syllables. The indexed constraint approach is adopted to explain the tone sandhi in different constructions. In addition, the preservation of tone is argued to be the typological difference according to different rankings of the positional faithfulness constraints. Finally, the tonal markedness tendency motivates the positional tone sandhi and the conjoined constraints are posited to govern the contextual tone sandhi in this dialect.

本論文觀察台灣地區國語閩南口音，也就是俗稱的「台灣國語」中展現的單元音化以及擦音卸解現象，建立「台灣國語語料庫」作為本論文分析的基礎，並且從優選理論的觀點探討這些台灣國語音韻現象。 根據「台灣國語語料庫」的數據顯示，韻核後介音 /j/ 以及 /w/ 容易被語者刪除，韻核前介音 /j/ 以及 /w/ 則傾向被語者保留。輕擦音 /f/ 在台灣國語中常被卸解為 /hw/。 本文的分析認為，國語閩南口音是一種方言的變異，反映了閩南語以及國語的部份制約排序。當語者表現出明顯的閩南語口音時，反映出閩南語的部份制約排序；而語者的閩南語口音較不明顯時，則反映了國語的部份制約排序。 / This thesis investigates monophthongization and fricative reconfiguration in the Taiwanese Accent of Mandarin (TM), and establishes the TM corpus as the base of phonological analysis. The Optimality Theory approach is adopted to account for the phonological phenomenon of TM. As indicated by the TM corpus, the postnuclear glides /j/ and /w/ tend to be deleted in TM; the prenuclear glides /j/ and /w/ tend to be preserved in TM; and the fricative /f/ tend to reconfigurate as /hw/ in TM. Our analysis considers that TM is a dialectal variation which reflects the subgrammars of Taiwanese and Mandarin. When the speaker shows a clear Taiwanese accent, the partially ordered ranking of Taiwanese is reflected; and when the speaker shows no obvious Taiwanese accent, the partially ordered ranking of Mandarin is reflected.