本論文由都市政權理論觀點切入，並連結台灣政治經濟環境及結構變遷過程，探討都市更新權利變換制度建置之政治經濟背景、實際執行狀況及面臨的課題。由於推動更新的最大的困難仍在於取得更新地區內土地及合法建築物所有權人之同意，因此都市更新條例規定強制參與更新之權利變換制度，以多數決的同意門檻並透過鑑價方式查估更新地區內各權利人之權利價值後，循法定程序據以執行更新。經研究發現權利變換制度的設計係賦予實施者具有關鍵的決定權，以作為協調的中介機制，進而調合各方利益及衝突。結論並指出由於權利變換制度係將價值分配予以檯面化，因此各權利人間對於價值的認知差異及利益的分配產生之爭議，仍造成該制度在法令及實際執行上的困難。因此，尚需仰賴政府適時挹注公有土地資源，以促使更新順利推動。嗣後並據以提出對於都市更新權利變換制度的後續執行方向之建議。 / In this research, I approach the subject from an urban regime perspective and connect it with the transition process in the political and economic environment and structure.Then, I examine the political and economic background, the actual implementation and the issues faced in the establishment of a property rights exchange system during urban renewal. The most difficult part in promoting redevelopment is to obtain the agreement from the owners of the land and of legally built structures on the areas slated for redevelopment, thus the regulations for urban renewal provide for forced participation in the property rights exchange system, with the threshold for agreement fixed at a majority rule and the value of the rights for each right-holder in the redeveloped area determined by appraisal; legal procedures are then used to implement the redevelopment. This study reveals that the property rights exchange system as it is designed endows those implementing it with crucial decision powers as an intermediary system for mediation and then for harmonizing the interests of each side and preventing conflicts. The conclusion shows that the open nature of the value distribution in the property rights exchange system leads to controversies due to the perceived differences and benefits in the apportioned value to each right-holder, creating legal and practical difficulties in the implementation of this system. Thus it is dependent on the government allotting enough funding at the necessary time for public land resources so that the renewal project can process smoothly. Finally, I offer some suggestions on the direction for the follow-up to the implementation of a property rights exchange system during urban renewal.

俗稱「大巨蛋」的臺北文化體育園區，自1990年代起出現於媒體報導中，市府於2000年定案落址松山菸廠，並在2006年與遠雄簽約以BOT興建大巨蛋。2014年11月市長選舉，柯文哲以無黨籍的身份踏入政壇，打破國民黨十六年的臺北市政府執政，上任後開始清查包括大巨蛋等「五大案」。不同政權對於大巨蛋的論述有不同策略，本研究透過都市政治的概念，剖析國民黨市府時代與柯文哲市府時代兩個政權，如何透過傳統媒體以及社群媒體形塑各自的大巨蛋形象。根據Stone（1993）以美國都市政權分析所提出的四種類型為基礎，本研究者聚焦在兩個政權的主要治理任務、選擇性誘因、所需資源等之論述。透過對於新聞報導、社群媒體貼文、官方新聞稿與官方網站的質化論述分析與量化內容分析，探討國民黨市府與柯文哲市府之都市治理聯盟的論述特徵與差異。 　　研究結果發現，國民黨市府治理聯盟偏向發展型政權，其論述特徵圍繞著體育發展為核心，包括將大巨蛋與國際大型運動賽事與國力象徵等概念連結，政治與商業合作開發，以及多功能用途場館來召喚市民支持。柯文哲市府治理聯盟的論述則偏向中產階級進步型、也具備臺灣在地特色的「程序主義型政權」，其論述圍繞著程序的重要性，強調都市計劃中法律程序及透明的重要性。兩者相較，國民黨市府論述著力於國家與體育發展，與資本關係較為緊密，柯文哲市府論述則連結中產階級價值以及市政的公民參與。但兩者皆忽略社會中環境保護的聲音，以及大型運動場館帶給城市的潛在負擔。本研究試圖在兩股政治勢力消長的動態演變中，分析此一期間都市政權對大巨蛋開發案的媒體論述轉變，藉由大型運動場館的再現建構，來反映出臺北的都市政治的意識形態爭霸過程，並重新反思大型運動場館建設之於城市與公民的意義。 / The project of Taipei Dome Complex (known as ‘’Taipei Dome’’) has been revealed in the media since 1990s. It settled in Song Shan Tobacco Factory in 2000 and later signed with a BOT (Build–operate–transfer) contract between Taipei City Government and Farglory Group. In November 2014, the mayor-elect Wen-je Ko, a non-party politician, ended 16 years of KMT rule in Taipei and committed to investigate so-called "Five Scandals”—the Taipei Dome, the Taipei Twin Tower, the Song Shan Cultural and Creative Park, the Syntrend Digital Park, and MeHas City. As the discursive strategies in the issue of Taipei Dome were different among regimes, this study is aimed to understand the use of mass media and social media in construting particular images of this large-scale sport stadium in the constructing process by Taipei City Government under different mayors. This study focues on the main governance tasks—the selective incentives, the resources needed as the analysis structure of the two regimes—which based on the analysis about four types of America urban politics in Stone (1993). Through qualitative discourse analysis and quantitative content analysis on various sources—including news reports, posts in social media, documents on official websites—this study study explores the differences of discursive strategies and struggles between the KMT and the Ko municipal governments. 　　The research results show the differences between the two regimes. The KMT government favored the ideology of “development regimes” to mobilize the supports from citizens, which usually linked the Taipei Dome with the concepts about the development of sports, such as the importance of large-scale international sporting events, the symbolic national power, the close cooporation between government and business, and the multifunctions of the Dome. Compared with the precedent regime, the Ko government has been inclined to the ideology of “middle class progressive regimes,” while also demonstrated a certain degree of “procedualism” under the particular political and economic contexts in Taiwan. The discursive strategy of Ko government emphasizes the importance of legal procedure and transparacy in the urban plan and policy. In sum, the KMT government had a strong connection with corporations and highlighted the significance of national and sporting development, while the Ko government has shown a connection with the middle class and attempted to involve civic participation in the process of policy making. However, both city governments ignored the voice of environmental movement and the potential harm of large-scale sport stadium to the society. This study attempts to analyze the changes of discursive struggle of Taipei Dome in the media represeantions between the two regimes and therefore contribute to understand the influences of large-scale sport stadium on the urban development and citizens.