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Over the last several years, new transportation service business platforms like Uber and Lyft have appeared in cities across the U.S. Since these new business models do not fit into existing regulatory and policy frameworks, and their entrance into markets is typically abrupt and sometimes illegal, these companies, which have come to be known as transportation network companies (TNCs), provoke city governance actors and the public to react in many different ways. Some cities take a free market approach, while others opt toward heavy handed regulation. In addition to policy action, there is a great deal of policy narrative swirling around these services and their place in existing mobility systems. There is wide variation in the dominant stories or narratives that emerge about TNCs when they suddenly enter a metropolitan market. Said narratives about these mobility providers also evolve as the companies continually operate in different cities. Some stories are thematically tied to specific interest groups and others seem to originate as a result of specific contextual nuances or incidents that occur. Sometimes stories originate in the context of local, state or national political backdrops and discourse. This dissertation argues that stories emerge in the context of urban regime characteristics. Using urban regime theory along with Mark Bevir and R.A.W. Rhodes decentered theory of governance, I will look at TNC operation in four U.S. cities: Indianapolis, IN, Austin, TX, Portland, OR, and Washington, DC. This dissertation explores the ways in which narratives emerge and change around TNCs, how those narratives are influenced by existing urban regime dynamics, and how they influence policy making. / PHD / Over the last several years, private sector mobility companies like Uber and Lyft have started operating in cities across the U.S. Despite the fact that these companies provide services that already exist with more traditional transportation providers (such as taxi cabs) and their business models are very rote and consistent across locations, city policy actors respond to them in many different ways. There is also wide variation in the sorts of stories or narratives that develop when these companies deploy and operate in different cities. Those stories sometimes reflect local political nuances and characteristics. Using urban regime theory along with Mark Bevir and R.A.W. Rhodes decentered theory of governance, I will use this research to explore the ways in which narratives emerge and change around TNCs in four cities: Indianapolis, IN, Austin, TX, Portland, OR, and Washington, DC. I will look at how those narratives are influenced by existing local nuances, coalitions and characteristics, and how they might influence policy making and responses in those places.

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<p>Why do municipalities bid for mega-events? Simply bidding for these events, such as the Commonwealth Games, the Olympic Games or a World Expo, can run into the millions of dollars. The cost of hosting such a large-scale international event now runs into the billions of dollars. It would appear to be an economic risk, yet cities, and their respective countries, around the world continue to choose this public policy path. Using urban regime theory, and focusing on the work of Stone, Stoker and Mossberger, this research investigates the actors and their motivations surrounding the Commonwealth Games bids by Melbourne, Australia for 2006, Halifax, Nova Scotia for 2014, and Hamilton, Ontario for 1994, 2010 and 2014. Civic pride, economic development, tourism growth and infrastructure improvements are all motivating factors and a mega-event is seen as a short-cut to achieving these public policy goals. We conclude that strong cooperation between the public and private sectors is necessary, as well as comparable cooperation between the upper levels of government and the host city, for a seriously competitive bid in a Western democracy, and that the weaker the cooperation, the less resolve and likelihood there is to host an expensive event at any cost. This research not only furthers political science knowledge in the sports public policy field, but also confirms the use of urban regime theory as a useful framework in comparative urban analysis as it allows us to categorize actors and motivations as we compare across municipalities.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

The issue of indiscriminate urban expansion is not uncommon in Africa. It has created haphazard, unplanned, and unapproved development that negatively affected urban planning for cities in the Niger Delta Region in Nigeria. Using Stone's urban regime theory, the purpose of this phenomenological study was to explore from the perspective of developers, associations, and government agencies (referred to as stakeholders), the roots causes of indiscriminate urban development and their activities in the process in the Niger Delta Region. Data were collected through semi structured telephone interviews with 10 participants who had at least 5 years experience working in public and private organizations in the urban setting. Interviews were transcribed, coded, and analyzed using Braun and Clarke's procedure for thematic analysis. Findings included six themes of limited knowledge, passive role, recognition of experiencing the problem, contributing to the problem, weakness of regulatory framework, and lack of synergy in the process. The principal theme was limited knowledge of the roles and obligations of participants which impede participation in the planning process. The recommendations, if implemented, may result in positive changes and bring many benefits to city residents such as better housing and traffic systems, adequate sanitation and improved access to public services. To do so, government agencies in the urban sector should engage the stakeholders to create synergy. Following these recommendations may help resolve the issue of indiscriminate urban expansion, promote effective planning and management, and ensure good governance and sustainable development in the urban setting.

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Community development is an ongoing issue that faces communities as they develop. This is a case study where two communities where faced with an identical development proposal involving Bluegrass Stockyards. Bluegrass Stockyards a prominent livestock marketing business, located in Lexington, KY needed to relocate its facility and looked at communities in Lincoln and Woodford County Kentucky as possible new locations. By looking at the case of Bluegrass Stockyards this study is able to use Conflict Theory, Growth Theory and Frame Analysis to look at the development process and issues that was associated with this development proposal. With the two communities being faced with the same proposal, and the proposals having different outcomes, the study is able to gain a better understanding of how development occurs within these two rural communities. This study provides information to both developers and community development professionals on what issues will need to be addressed with a livestock marketing center relocation and how the different issues should be addressed in order to make the process more efficient and beneficial to the involved communities.

俗稱「大巨蛋」的臺北文化體育園區，自1990年代起出現於媒體報導中，市府於2000年定案落址松山菸廠，並在2006年與遠雄簽約以BOT興建大巨蛋。2014年11月市長選舉，柯文哲以無黨籍的身份踏入政壇，打破國民黨十六年的臺北市政府執政，上任後開始清查包括大巨蛋等「五大案」。不同政權對於大巨蛋的論述有不同策略，本研究透過都市政治的概念，剖析國民黨市府時代與柯文哲市府時代兩個政權，如何透過傳統媒體以及社群媒體形塑各自的大巨蛋形象。根據Stone（1993）以美國都市政權分析所提出的四種類型為基礎，本研究者聚焦在兩個政權的主要治理任務、選擇性誘因、所需資源等之論述。透過對於新聞報導、社群媒體貼文、官方新聞稿與官方網站的質化論述分析與量化內容分析，探討國民黨市府與柯文哲市府之都市治理聯盟的論述特徵與差異。 　　研究結果發現，國民黨市府治理聯盟偏向發展型政權，其論述特徵圍繞著體育發展為核心，包括將大巨蛋與國際大型運動賽事與國力象徵等概念連結，政治與商業合作開發，以及多功能用途場館來召喚市民支持。柯文哲市府治理聯盟的論述則偏向中產階級進步型、也具備臺灣在地特色的「程序主義型政權」，其論述圍繞著程序的重要性，強調都市計劃中法律程序及透明的重要性。兩者相較，國民黨市府論述著力於國家與體育發展，與資本關係較為緊密，柯文哲市府論述則連結中產階級價值以及市政的公民參與。但兩者皆忽略社會中環境保護的聲音，以及大型運動場館帶給城市的潛在負擔。本研究試圖在兩股政治勢力消長的動態演變中，分析此一期間都市政權對大巨蛋開發案的媒體論述轉變，藉由大型運動場館的再現建構，來反映出臺北的都市政治的意識形態爭霸過程，並重新反思大型運動場館建設之於城市與公民的意義。 / The project of Taipei Dome Complex (known as ‘’Taipei Dome’’) has been revealed in the media since 1990s. It settled in Song Shan Tobacco Factory in 2000 and later signed with a BOT (Build–operate–transfer) contract between Taipei City Government and Farglory Group. In November 2014, the mayor-elect Wen-je Ko, a non-party politician, ended 16 years of KMT rule in Taipei and committed to investigate so-called "Five Scandals”—the Taipei Dome, the Taipei Twin Tower, the Song Shan Cultural and Creative Park, the Syntrend Digital Park, and MeHas City. As the discursive strategies in the issue of Taipei Dome were different among regimes, this study is aimed to understand the use of mass media and social media in construting particular images of this large-scale sport stadium in the constructing process by Taipei City Government under different mayors. This study focues on the main governance tasks—the selective incentives, the resources needed as the analysis structure of the two regimes—which based on the analysis about four types of America urban politics in Stone (1993). Through qualitative discourse analysis and quantitative content analysis on various sources—including news reports, posts in social media, documents on official websites—this study study explores the differences of discursive strategies and struggles between the KMT and the Ko municipal governments. 　　The research results show the differences between the two regimes. The KMT government favored the ideology of “development regimes” to mobilize the supports from citizens, which usually linked the Taipei Dome with the concepts about the development of sports, such as the importance of large-scale international sporting events, the symbolic national power, the close cooporation between government and business, and the multifunctions of the Dome. Compared with the precedent regime, the Ko government has been inclined to the ideology of “middle class progressive regimes,” while also demonstrated a certain degree of “procedualism” under the particular political and economic contexts in Taiwan. The discursive strategy of Ko government emphasizes the importance of legal procedure and transparacy in the urban plan and policy. In sum, the KMT government had a strong connection with corporations and highlighted the significance of national and sporting development, while the Ko government has shown a connection with the middle class and attempted to involve civic participation in the process of policy making. However, both city governments ignored the voice of environmental movement and the potential harm of large-scale sport stadium to the society. This study attempts to analyze the changes of discursive struggle of Taipei Dome in the media represeantions between the two regimes and therefore contribute to understand the influences of large-scale sport stadium on the urban development and citizens.

At the end of 2016, the Swedish petroleum and biofuel company Preem applied for an environmental permit to convert high-sulfur bunker oil to low-sulfur petrol and diesel at Preemraff Lysekil. Something that required an expansion of the refinery. The process ended abruptly in September 2020 when Preem chose to withdraw their application. In connection with the process, two actor coalitions were formed, with one being for an expansion and the other against. Both coalitions had the explicit goal of reducing greenhouse gas emissions and preventing climate change. The difference, however, was their view on whether this could be achieved thanks to an expansion of Preemraff Lysekil, or if it could only happen without it. Through their actions the coalitions have tried to influence the policy process in a direction that is desirable for them. This study aims to systematically map the coalitions and their actions and contribute to a deeper understanding of their actions and impact on the process of the planned expansion project of Preemraff Lysekil. The study is designed as a qualitative case study and is based on The Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF), which can be used to explain and understand beliefs and policy change when multiple actors are involved in a policy process. According to the ACF, actors who share similar policy core beliefs come together in coalitions to increase the chances of policy change. The study also uses urban regime theory to understand the informal and unspoken agenda between Preemraff Lysekil and Lysekil municipality. The results from previous research show several common denominators with the Preemraff Lysekil case. The analysis shows that the actors who were against an expansion had similar deep core beliefs and consistent policy core beliefs, they also had a consensus on how the policy change should be implemented. They have tried to influence the process by appealing court decisions and tried to get the Swedish government to take over the assessment of the application, which also happened. The analysis shows that the actors who were in favor of an expansion had more dispersed deep core beliefs but were consistent in their policy core beliefs and secondary beliefs. They have made attempts to stop the government from taking over the case from the court. As these attempts have been unsuccessful, they instead tried to get the government to allow an expansion. By using different forms of resources, both coalitions have tried to get the public and decision-makers to support their own proposal for policy change, with varying results. What ultimately led Preem to withdraw the application is not clarified. Maybe the pressure from those who were against an expansion became too powerful, maybe the COVID-19 pandemic left such a big mark on international production chains and the global market that an expansion was no longer profitable. There is also a possibility that Preem's decision is based on both parts, but we will probably never know.