人口販運是一個已經全球化大大增加了全球性的問題，非法貿易的興起，以及冷戰的結束. 販毒後. 販賣人口是脖子到脖子軍火工業作為世界上第二大犯罪行業. 其目的是研究拉丁美洲的人口販賣情況和瓜地馬拉的公私營界別合作推行的反人口販賣活動. 由於在該區域的有限調查, 這項研究將是讀者不知道在拉丁美洲人口販賣的情況作出了貢獻。這項研究將使用輔助數據，如多邊組織的報告，政府機構，而且最重要的進行了訪談，以非政府組織。PPP的工作經歷在瓜地馬拉的兩個信道是積極的。政府機構間和打擊販賣人口的政府機構，非政府組織，政府間組織和非政府組織組成的網絡。這項研究描述了從政府方面所做的努力，以及在打擊人口販運瓜地馬拉非政府組織的知識和專長。 / Human Trafficking is a global issue increased dramatically with globalization, the rise of illicit trade, and the end of the Cold War. After drug trafficking, human trafficking is neck-to-neck with the arms industry as the second largest criminal industry in the world. The purpose is to study Latin America’s human trafficking situation and Guatemala’s Private-Public Partnership in implementing anti-human trafficking activities. Due to the limited investigations in the region, this study will be a contribution to readers that do not know the situation of human trafficking in Latin America. The study will use secondary data such as reports from multilateral organizations, government institutions, and most importantly conducted interviews to NGOs. The PPP work has been positive through two channels of communication in Guatemala. The interagency of government institutions and the network against human trafficking composed of the government institutions, INGOs, IGOs and NGOs. This study describes the efforts from the government side as well as the knowledge and expertise on NGOs in combating human trafficking in Guatemala.

Abstract There has been extensive literature published about NGO adoption and use of social media, however these studies have only focused on large, and primarily Western operated organizations, while research on NGO and social enterprise adoption in emergent nations is drastically limited. Cambodia was particularly relevant for a study on social media, because in fact Facebook has surpassed television as Cambodian people’s main source for gathering news. In particular this research focused on a famous Khmer-owned NGO, Phare Ponleu Selpak and their sister organization the Phare Performing Social Enterprise. This organization is well-known in Cambodia, because they produce world-renowned visual and performing artists, and are especially known for the circus, which is a major tourism attraction in Siem Reap. In this anthropological, exploratory case study, I conducted in-depth interviews with key staff members and executed a thematic analysis of PPSA and PPSE’s social media platforms in order to unveil the reasons for social media adoption as well as an in-depth analysis of the strategies involved. The results indicated that community engagement and organizational transparency were the key indicators for social media adoption. For strategy, community engagement and informational postings were also more important than posts that prompted actions such as donating, voting, or participating. Finally, social media was seen as a vital tool in the dissemination of information about Cambodian arts and intangible heritages, because Facebook has become the key source for information in Cambodia due to the state owned media. Therefore, Cambodians are able to learn about their history and the arts by following PPSA and PPSE, particularly on Facebook. Furthermore, tourists can also celebrate and learn about Cambodian art and intangible heritage through these social media channels. Keywords: Nongovernmental Organization, Social Enterprise, Social Media, Social Media Adoption and Use, Intangible Heritage

本研究為釐清國內與國際非政府組織在臺灣發展關係，從環境與人權倡議議題為範圍討論，從臺灣目前進行環境與人權倡議工作的非政府組織中收集相關訊息，瞭解現今組織之間工作遇到的問題及困難，探討其發生的可能和原因，最後試圖提出研究建議與解決辦法。 奠基非政府組織在臺灣發展出的特殊性，伴隨著民主人權的發展，同時，臺灣環境議題倡議發展相較於其他亞洲國家也成熟許多，在現在全球化時代下的發展，國與國之間的界線也越來越模糊，網路科技的發明，使得交流不再如過去般受到諸多限制，因此也將各區域中相關的非政府組織連結，形成具有槓桿力量的跨國倡議網絡，企圖進而影響國家內部，促使政府能有所作為。 透過文獻分析及深度訪談瞭解組織倡議及發展，深入體會國際非政府組織在臺灣倡議遇到的困難，以及國內非政府組織面對這些問題的兩難，本研究結論，以跨國倡議網絡策略為主軸予以建議，非政府組織之間必須要有溝通的管道，避免資訊不對稱以及產生誤解，減少延誤倡議工作進行的最佳時機點，政府對於外國團體在臺灣人民團體法適應的問題及限制以及外國人在台工作的法規也應該有所彈性或裁量空間，才能開啟更多讓世界看見臺灣的可能性。 / The purpose of this thesis is to explore the relationship between local and international nongovernment organizations on human rights and environmental advocacy issues. To understand these problems and difficulties, research involved conducting in-depth interviews with workers of local and international nongovernment organizations. The purpose of the research is to find out the reasons to explain the problems of the relationship and know how to solve. The thesis concludes with suggestions about how to best develop the transnational advocacy network strategies of Taiwan in the future. As a nation without global recognition of its national status, Taiwan faces with the difficulty of participating international affairs. Through transnational advocacy network including the strategies of symbolic, information, leverage, accountability politics, these NGOs compel the government to make changes. As a result, Taiwan has a greater opportunity to be a contributor in global public affairs. The result of the research is to clarify the relationship, strengths, and weaknesses between local and international nongovernment organizations to cope with the challenges they experience with each other. In conclusion, there are four main suggestions below: 1) Make sure information is communicated across international and local advocacy. 2) Do the things right at the right time. 3) Make a big difference with leverage politics. 4) Focus on the importance of accountability and self-discipline when nongovernmental organizations face international affairs.

1998年在全球各地環保團體、消費者團體、社會正義團體等非政府組織跨國串聯反對下，擊敗了正在經濟合作暨發展組織為了一致化外國直接投資規則進行的多邊投資協定談判，這是非政府組織成功在全球經濟治理領域發揮影響力的重要案例。本論文的研究目的在於探討：第一、反對多邊投資協定談判的非政府組織跨國倡議活動為什麼成功及如何成功；第二、他們反對的理由是什麼；第三、從這個案例來看非政府組織倡議活動正在或將對國際政治經濟決策過程帶來何種程度的衝擊。這個個案研究使用Margaret E. Keck與Kathryn Sikkink的跨國倡議網絡（transnational advocacy network, TAN）理論，分析公民反抗行動如何成功影響在全球層次的政治決策，TAN理論強調議題共鳴、網絡密度、與目標對象脆弱性三種因素的重要性。本論文除了用這三種因素檢視反多邊投資協定運動過程，並發現非政府組織的倡議活動是否能夠與政府力量取得連結的重要性，作為TAN理論的補充。其次，本論文發現反多邊投資協定運動策略性地轉變為以國內為基礎的運動，透過國內爭議政治的傳統反抗手法向政府表達公民的訴求，以避開國際組織對非政府組織不利的政治機會結構，呈現出與TAN理論的「迴力鏢效果」相對立的發展。最後，這個個案研究發現反多邊投資協定運動更接近基於民族主義的傳統政治，而不能說是一種世界主義政治的發展。世界主義論者預期在一個形成中的全球公民社會中國家的角色正在消退，在這個案例中顯然並無法獲得足夠的證明。 / In 1998, a transnational NGO coalition of environmentalist, consumer rights, and social justice activists helped to defeat the Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI), a draft treaty to harmonize rules on foreign direct investment under the aegis of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). This dissertation addresses why and how the transnational NGO advocacy sank the MAI negotiation, what are their advocacy reasons, and to what extent the transnational NGO advocacy activities will influence and are influencing the international decision making process. This case study uses Margaret E. Keck and Kathryn Sikkink’s transnational advocacy network (TAN) theory, which stresses the importance of issue resonance, network density, and target vulnerability, to explore how citizen’s resistance struggle succeed in influencing policy at global level. First, in supplementing Keck and Sikkink’s TAN theory, the work suggests whether the NGO advocacy links with its governmental power is also at stake. Second, contrary to the “boomerang effect” from their TAN theory, the work finds that the transnational NGO campaign against MAI strategically shifted to country-based campaigns to address citizen’s claims through traditional repertoire of contention politics, in bypassing unfavorable political opportunity structure in international arena. Finally, the anti-MAI campaign was found to be much closer to traditional politics in a view of nationalism than the alleged cosmopolitan politics, which expects the role of state has eroded in an emerging global civil society.

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Government and Public Administration