國際非政府組織憑藉著組織的專業與知識、資訊的提供、組織架構的彈性以及多元的網絡，在國際社會中佔有重要的角色。但同時也面臨一些挑戰，例如缺乏合法性、代表性與責信。其中責信問題涵蓋最廣，也最為重要。 責信是國際非政府組織向利害關係者解釋其行為，利害關係者包含政府、捐款者、受益者、組織會員、組織員工、企業以及其他組織，當然更應涵括一般群眾，因為國際非政府組織具有草根性的性質。 國際非政府組織都必須解釋行為，且把解釋的行為的措施發展為一套機制，融入組織的架構之中，以利組織長期貫徹責信；利於利害關係者追蹤與檢視責信。這些措施集結成五種責信機制：資訊公開 、成效評估、擴大參與、自我規範以及社會審核。

非政府組織現今全球性議題上，均扮演著重要的角色，其活動範圍亦遍及全球性、區域性及個別國家之中；目前一般學者對非政府組織的研究多偏重於理論探討，暨其在國際建制的角色與功能；既然非政府組織在善心的動念上是為了更平等的世界，因此研究者在本文研究對象上，決定選擇全球發展最不平等的低度開發國家，並且藉由實際走訪馬拉威共和國的經驗與例證，檢視非政府組織與該國的關係。 本論文首先對非政府組織與低度開發國家做個別的一般性說明，並著重於討論低度開發國家形成原因，進而選擇漠南非洲做為低度開發國家的代表區域；嗣在漠南非洲國家的討論之中，聚焦於馬拉威共和國為個案研究的對象，期藉該國近年的穩定發展，排除政治與內戰之干擾，得到較為獨立的結論。本論文在經過系統性的研究後認為，非政府組織在低度開發國家從事服務遞送與災難救援等類型之活動，成效明顯較一般政府組織卓著，機動性亦強，惟可能導致該等國家之依賴心理，妨礙政府正常職能之建立；其次，非政府組織在低度開發國家中，對高階政治議題的參與，仍有根本性的限制；最後，低度開發國家中，跨國性非政府組織與國內非政府組織所獲資源與具備之能力對比太大，權力分配不均，使國內基層組織能量始終無法有效建立，亦難構建成為合理的組織模型，可能阻礙未來效率之提升。 / Although the activities of the Non-governmental Organizations (NGOs) have spread all over the world, most studies still focus on the theory of NGOs or their roles in the international regime. This paper, meanwhile, has targeted to focus on the relation between NGOs and Least Developed Countries (LDCs), especially for the countries in Sub-Saharan Africa. By analyzing the case of the Republic of Malawi, this paper has proved that for LDCs, the NGOs have more efficiency in the mission of rescue or deliver service than that in the local government or International Governmental Organizations (IGOs) because of their flexibility. Even NGOs have reached the achievement that is mentioned above, they still have difficulty involving in LDCs’ politics or decision-making process. Meanwhile, the conclusion also shows that LDCs may lie on NGOs’ support too much to develop their own functions as well.

中國大陸自1978年改革開放之後，伴隨著經濟繁榮與社會開放，使得經濟、政治、文化等社會生活各方面都受到前所未有的衝擊，同時也為中國大陸的非營利組織帶來發展的契機，之後非營利組織也如雨後春筍般地迅速發展，雖然目前其發展仍處於初期階段，但其民間性正在不斷地強化；同時，非營利組織在社會福利、慈善救助、助學培訓、醫療保健、文化教育、生態環境等各方面的努力與社會影響，在中國大陸顯然地已成為一股重要的社會力量，而相關的研究與探討也在近幾年來大量地發表。 本文在於探討中國大陸非營利組織發展的產生背景、歷史發展、規模情形、法規制度、與市民社會發展的關係、目前所面臨的問題與困境，以及其未來發展的趨勢。並以中國青少年發展基金會為個案分析，希望透過文獻的分析與實地的訪談，以更加瞭解目前中國大陸非營利組織的發展情形。 而在近年來非營利組織迅速發展的同時，也面臨到一些問題與瓶頸，包括：政社不分、經費不足、人才缺乏、法律不健全等問題。總之，目前中國大陸的非營利組織仍處於轉型之中，且改革開放以來，中國大陸非營利組織發展雖然面臨到前所未有的機遇，但於此同時，也面臨到諸多的問題與挑戰。 / After reform and opening up in 1978, all aspects of mainland China, such as the economy, politics and culture affairs, were in an unprecedented state of shock. Meanwhile, the opportunity was given for the development of the non-profit organizations (NPO) which were growing rapidly in recent years. Though the development is still at the primary stage, the participation of citizens in NPOs is increasing gradually. NPOs have become an important force with their growing influence on the social welfare, kindly supports, healthcare, cultural and education affairs, and environmental protections. Much related research was published in recent years. The current study uses China Youth Development Foundation as an example to understand the development of NPOs in mainland China. The study focuses on its background, history, current situation, relevant regulations, relationship with the civil society, and future developments. The purpose of this study is to know more about the present development of NPOs in mainland China by methods of interviews and analyses. As NPOs develop rapidly in recent years, they are also facing some problems, such as their connections with politics, shortage of financial support and personnel, and insufficient regulation establishments. In general, the NPOs of mainland China are still in a period of transition. Since the reform and open market, NPOs have had a great opportunity for their development, but they are also experiencing many problems and challenges.

本文探討近數十年來非政府組織「為何」（why）在國際社會積極參與國際組織的各項議題，其興起的因素與相關的基礎理論。然而，由於世界衛生組織是一個以主權國家為會員組成的政府間組織，台灣至今還未能成為它的會員國；非政府組織「如何」（how）參與此一國際組織，本文從三個面向來進行分析，第一，非政府組織參與WHO的角色定位；第二，非政府組織對於國際政策諸如醫療、人道救援等的參與策略；第三，討論非政府組織在國際參與過程中與政府的關係；此外，並探討台灣非政府組織國際參與的機會與可能的挑戰。 就理論意義而言，學者將非政府組織與全球化的發展趨勢聯繫起來，關注於非政府組織如何在國際參與各項全球議題（Held & Mcgrew, 2002；Peck, 1998；Scholte, 2000）。就現有的非政府組織研究來看，學界少有將全球議題和國家、非政府組織相連結者（Weiss, 1999；Brown. et.al., 2000；CIVICUS, 1998；MS, 2000），此一研究缺口主要與它在國際政策層面的重要性未獲得密切注意有關。目前有若干學術著作把國家與非國家行動者合併在一起探討，Weiss & Gordenker (1996)在「非政府組織、聯合國及全球治理」（NGOs, The UN, & Global Governance）一書中，從UN與NGO的連結試圖解釋全球治理的問題；Fisher（1998）的「非政府組織與第三世界的政治發展」（NGOs and the Political Development of the Third World）一書探討的NGO與第三世界國家政治發展的關係。本文主要為了突顯NGO的參與對國家主導全球議題等鉅觀社會變遷的影響之外，並以中介角色來理解它與政府和政府間組織如聯合國、世界衛生組織的關連。 在資料蒐集與分析方面，台灣非政府組織在國際上從事醫療及人道救援有其長遠的歷史，然關於這方面的學術研究、討論，卻是近幾年才開始興起。本文採用質性研究的文獻檢閱、深度訪談和參與觀察等研究方法。對此一議題的思考、研究，透過搜集、閱讀以世界衛生組織為研究主題或相關的國內外期刊文章，釐清目前世界衛生組織研究領域的內容，以進一步確定計畫研究範圍、研究主軸與訪談對象。針對非政府組織部分的訪談對象，作者選擇了：台灣國際醫學聯盟等共18個民間團體以及2個政府機構做為研究訪談對象。 研究發現茲分為理論層面和實務層面兩方面對照說明： （一）關於非政府組織在國際參與的角色定位，指涉非政府組織在國際社會所扮演的是一種中介角色；還是第二軌道外交功能、或對政府間國際關係的輔助作用。究實而論，台灣非政府組織參與世界衛生組織之行動，其理論意涵意味著上述三種的角色功能，但本文研究發現政府偏好以動員方式鼓勵非政府組織去參與，而此種「動員式外交」活動究竟能夠收到多大的效果，不無爭議，容易造成台灣NGO在國際發展角色的曖昧不明，引發非政府組織角色定位的疑問。 （二）非政府組織在國際組織系統中並不具有政府的合法性，亦不具有治理上的權威，故而它對於國際事務的影響力，所憑藉的僅為一種策略途徑的運用。從台灣參與的個案，本文發現非政府組織除了運用協商談判的途徑，或與政府協商、或國際組織協商之外，國內非政府組織所運用的途徑，主要為倡議導向的途徑、策略聯盟的途徑以及訴諸直接服務的途徑。 （三）台灣非政府組織積極參與政府間國際組織，理論上可以與外交議題進行連結，因此政府與非政府組織在某些政策層面維持良好的互動。本研究發現台灣非政府組織與政府的互動情形，存在下列的問題：1、第二軌道外交價值觀認知之不同，政府急於加入WHO這種國際政府間組織，但大多NGO卻認為政府不應將外交當作唯一考量，希望能夠加強非政府組織實際參與的實質內涵；2、非政府組織與政府參與國際的方式缺乏共識，非政府組織不認同政府對外之參與模式，反而認為政府應該做好整合資源的工作，協助國內NGO從事國際活動，盡量讓NGO可以發揮各自領域之所長，而不只是經費補助而已；3、台灣NGO與政府的關係可區分為：收編、合作、互補和對抗等類型，其中若干非政府組織與政府傾向於一種合作型的「官民策略」(Government-NGO Participant Strategy)，就加入世界衛生組織的目標而言，兩者維持相互依賴的關係。 / The paper attempts to explore related issue that Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in Taiwan participating in the activities of ‘World Health Organization’ (WHO). In terms of literature review and theory approach, this paper examines why NGOs involved in global issue, and explores NGOs appearance cause and related basic theory. However, WHO is an inter-governmental organization composed of a number of member state, so far Taiwan couldn’t still be allowed to be a member of WHO. Based on qualitative research it also examines NGOs how to participate in such an intergovernmental organization, there are three main analyzing aspects. First, this paper intends to discuss the role and position of a civil organization concerning how to participate in WHO meeting and activities. Second, some of the NGOs discussed here directly provide strategies to attend international policy in WHO areas such as health, and human aid. Third, the diverse relations between NGOs and government institution may be formed with participating different processes of international action. Furthermore, we discuss the opportunities and limitations on participating actions of NGOs in Taiwan.

本研究「台灣醫界聯盟基金會」倡議「台灣加入世界衛生組織（WHO）」議題的過程為觀察對象，探討議題發展的過程中，非政府組織、議題、與議題所處的環境，彼此如何相互影響，以成就議題的生命。 研究發現，就組織層面來看，「台灣醫界聯盟基金會」從社會運動組織轉型為制度化的非政府組織，其發展的過程與台灣許多非政府組織的轉型過程相似，而組織與政府關係的改變，則增加了「台灣加入世界衛生組織」議題的能見度，也成功促使議題進入政府的決策體系。 此外，WHO議題若與其他社會因素（如選舉）或天然災害相結合，能夠增加議題在媒體上的曝光程度；而「台灣醫界聯盟基金會」針對議題進行的各種訊息策略與遊說，雖然不一定完全獲得媒體報導，但的確是促使議題獲得國內或國外能見度的重要因素。

本論文是在研究西藏自一九五○到二○○八年三月間發生過的反共抗暴所引發並受國際與國際人權組織所觀著之西藏人權問題。文中討論美國、歐盟與國際非政府組織(如，人權觀察(Human Rights Watch)和國際特赦組織 (Amnesty International))如何提出相對的策略來抵制中共對西藏的人權政策，並研究中共在即將舉辨奧運的同時如何面對來自各方的抵制與強大壓力，這些問題也隨著奧運的接近而更加顯著。 也許西方文化與中國文化有所不同而在人權的定義也有著些許的差異，但是這並不構成一個適當的理由來否認聯合國所定義用來參考的世界人權宣言（Universal Declaration of Human Rights）。同時本論文的研究範圍也涵蓋到因西藏宗教、政治、經濟與教育上的不自由而今年三月所引發之抗議示威遊行 ，並討論因中共近年來之掘起而美國與歐盟在此次事件上對中共的影響力與態度，這也許與中共的貿易關係不同而產生的影響力與表達的態度會有所不同。 / 中共雖然受到西方政治與國際非政府組織之強大壓力，可是西藏之人權問題仍然未得到改善，也許中共擔心若給予藏民太多的由自而可能造成更多的混亂，但西方政府與國際非政府組織持續在些問題上觀著，並積極保護西藏之宗教、語言與文化，因而讓中共當局在西藏問題上受到極大之挑戰，也必須注入更多的資源來因應。 / This research project focuses on the Human Rights situation in Tibet under the occupation of the Peoples Republic of China (PRC) since the 1950s right up to the present times when popular protests against China in Tibetan areas since March 10 this year has put the issue Tibet right back on the international arena. China’s policy stand on human rights and how it refutes accusations by International NGOs of human rights violations in China and Tibet are examined through case studies of the works and reports of Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and the current international attention on human rights in the run up to the Olympic Games in Beijing in August, 2008. Contrasting definition of ‘Human Rights’ between China and the west is also examined to suggest that arguments about cultural distinctiveness are no excuse for the denial of the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Case studies of lack of religious freedom and the general discrimination suffered by Tibetans in political, economic and educational spheres suggest why the recent popular Tibetan uprisings have erupted. An examination of the influence of International NGOs on the human rights policies of western governments like the US, France, UK, Germany as well as the EU that constitute China’s largest trading partners, show considerable influence and impact through their reports and monitoring of violations of human rights by China. / By adopting a judicious mix of the two approaches of ‘silent constructive engagement’ as well as direct, confrontational ‘naming and shaming’ of individual instances of human rights abuses and violations, the International NGOs and western trading partners of China have achieved incremental success in forcing China to make changes to its human rights policies. Despite the enormous international pressure from International NGOs and western Governments, the leadership of the Communist Party that effectively runs China, is found to be extremely uncooperative in terms of improving human rights in China or Tibet where the current spate of protests have reaffirmed their abiding fear that allowing more freedom and rights to the people could risk a challenge to the supremacy of the Party in continuing to run the PRC and leading it into the 21st century as the undisputed global power. This makes it obvious that International NGOs campaigning for human rights in China and Tibet in particular will continue especially in light of China’s policy of assimilation of minority nationalities like the Tibetans and the Uighurs and the destruction of their distinct national, cultural and religious identity.

本研究旨在藉由中國大陸與台灣公眾外交策略、官方文獻、新聞稿、研究報告、著作之搜集，分析比較兩岸公眾外交的思維發展、制度沿革、文化交流、國際傳播、形象塑造等，主要的研究發現如下： 一、因應無國界挑戰環境，網路科技是公眾外交的利器：處於瞬息萬變的資訊化、全球化、民主化時代，公眾外交必須善加利用網路科技，方能因應無國界、無時差之挑戰。 二、支助非政府組織推動公眾外交：政府不被信任是常有的事情。非政府組織強調獨立、非營利與專業，活動形式靈活多樣，與民眾關係也較密切，較官方機關更受人們信任。因此，政府支助非政府組織推動公眾外交，將獲得更明顯的成效。 三、公眾外交傳遞之訊息，其包裝須符合目標國家需求：設計訊息時，要有一個清晰的主題。在傳遞訊息之前，要了解接受訊息一方的需要，以他們能明白的方式去發送訊息。為吸引目標對象的注意，訊息內容除了要符合對方的國情外，還要以創意或新奇的手法包裝。 四、研究機構及媒體最能塑造輿論，是公眾外交的重點目標對象：研究機構及媒體之意見受到很多人的重視，會直接影響社會菁英及大眾。政府經常與各國智庫、基金會及大學等研究機構建立合作關係，共同提倡某些議題或政策，並藉由媒體塑造有利於本國的輿論環境，推動外交關係的發展。 五、設計推動公眾外交的跨部門協調機制：公眾外交涵蓋資訊、文化、教育等領域，有賴不同機關協力合作，但不同機關基於本位思考，難免意見相左，因此有必要設計一個跨部門的協調機制。 六、突發事件中之公眾外交，在於盡快提供正確的資訊：當突發事件發生時，由於資訊不明，國內外民眾詮釋危機訊息時，經常各自表述，公眾外交必須盡快提供正確的資訊，積極掌控全盤。 七、體育外交係較為國際社會所能接受之公眾外交活動：體育被譽為「世界通用語言」，可以讓不同血統、背景、宗教信仰和經濟狀況的各國人民共聚一堂，互相學習、瞭解、欣賞不同文化。 八、國民素質、文化活動、消費產品及對國際社會之貢獻係塑造國家形象之關鍵：公眾外交重要的目標就是形塑良好的國家形象。從研究分析形塑國家形象經驗中，了解塑造國家形象關鍵在於注重國民素質之培養、善用文化活動、提高消費產品信譽，以及對國外民眾做出實質貢獻，建立休戚與共與互惠關係。 / The research is aimed at studying ideology, institution, cultural exchanges, international communication of public diplomacy in Mainland China and Taiwan. After analyzing the relevant policies, official literature, news releases, and publications, I come up with the following research findings: First, internet technology is an efficient instrument of public diplomacy to cope with boundless environment. In the face of ever-changing global and democratic environment equipped with information technology, a government should make the most of internet technology to deal with real-time challenges transcending national borders. Second, a government may sponsor non-governmental organizations to implement public diplomacy. Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) attach great importance on their independence, non-profit programs and expertise. Moreover, by means of various and lively activities, NGOs establish close relations with the public, and thus are more trusted by the public than governments. In this context, a government may sponsor NGOs to launch public diplomacy and will bring about lasting effects. Third, a message to be delivered should meet the needs of the target audience. A message should be clear to the receiver and framed from the receiver’s point of view. Besides, to attract the target audience’s attention, the message should be delivered in a novice manner. Most importantly, the message will be perceived by both the sender and the receiver in the same way. Fourth, public diplomacy targets research organizations and the media to construct public opinion. As the majority of the public pay attention to the suggestions and advice from research organizations and the media, research organizations and the media can exert deep influences on the social elite and the public. As a result, a government always teams up with such research organizations as think tanks, foundations and universities to advocate certain issues or policies. Meanwhile, favorable public opinion will be built through the assistance of the media to develop foreign relations. Fifth, an inter-agency coordinating mechanism should be designed. Related with various aspects like information, culture and education, public diplomacy depends on relevant agencies to work hand in hand. However, given that different agencies surely have conflicting opinions, it is necessary to design an inter-agency coordinating mechanism. Sixth, timely leading public opinion is a key to dealing with unexpected events. As unclear or confusing information is rampant in an unexpected event, people at home and abroad are likely to make their own interpretation. A government should release accurate information as soon as possible to dominate the whole situation. Seventh, sports diplomacy is the most well received activity of public diplomacy. Dubbed the world’s common language, sports can bring all kinds of peoples together regardless of race, background, religion, and economic status and learn from each other. Eighth, national overall quality, cultural activities, consumer products, and contributions to the international community play a vital role in building a national image. Successfully building a national image lies in improving the national overall quality, making the most of cultural activities, enhancing the credibility of consumer products, and establishing mutually beneficial relations with the people abroad.

受到氣候極端變遷的影響，近年來，世界各地接二連三地出現許多重大天然災害，讓我們賴以生存的地球，正面臨著嚴峻環境災難的考驗。面對這個重要課題，除了政府必須肩負的責任外，非政府組織從環境保護、減災預防、災難準備、以致災難發生時的緊急救援，到災後的復建與重建工作等環節上，也扮演愈來愈重要的角色，近代各國政府都把積極參與人道救援的非政府組織視為災難救援和賑濟上的重要伙伴。 人道救援和一般社會服務工作的動員模式與服務取向不同，除了必須在短時間內滿足無法事先確定的大量需求外，人道救援的目的是在有限資源的前提下，公允地維持受災民眾必要的生存環境、條件與尊嚴。是以，人道救援組織從平時救災人員的訓練、養成，救災器材設備與救援物資的整備，到災難發生時可以快速反應的動員能量，甚至災後不管復原或重建階段各項專業領域的參與，都需要掌握相當實力的資源，才能在必要的時候派上用場。 目前國內主要從事海內、外人道救援的民間組織，其從事人道救援的財源幾乎百分之百依賴民間捐款，而因應每次災難事件的不同，其所募得款項的多寡差異非常大，但國內相關影響重大災難募款金額多寡的因素研究卻很少，為使有限、寶貴的社會資源可以更合理、妥切地被運用，研究者以紅十字會在九二一大地震之後十年來十五起賑災專案募款的結果，運用個案研究的深度訪談以及焦點團體的探討，嘗試彙整出影響國人重大災難捐款的因素。 是以，本研究從災難本身、捐款人、勸募者及社會政經情境等面向，歸納出可能影響重大災難募捐款項的二十個因素，藉以分析說明並對照實務上募款金額的多寡。此外，本研究也提供了幾項重大災難募捐的特性，希望可以做為國人或後續研究者參用。 最後，本研究建議國人應該深切體認資源有限，整體社會的資源不管來自何處、流向何處，其總和也是不變的，因此，無論是資源的擁有者、分配者、執行者，以及在這個過程中可能影響資源分配運用的關係人，如政府、媒體等，都應該珍惜這個寶貴的資源，善用它，讓它發揮應有的社會功能。尤其，人道救援是一個關乎生命，非常嚴肅的議題，很多人認為重大災難捐款是一種衝動性捐款，但研究者卻堅信捐款行為只是表象，其真正是人的「愛心」在驅動，因此，必須從理性、審慎的態度來探究愛心背後可能影響捐款人作為的因素，並進而提供國人的愛心一個更好的捐款與資源運用環境。 / As a result of extreme climate changes, the world has witnessed many major natural disasters. Hence, the earth on which we live is confronting severe environmental challenge. To cope with such a severe challenge, other than the governments which must take up the responsibilities, NGOs are playing more important roles which include environmental protection, disaster prevention, disaster preparedness, as well as in the event of occurrence of natural disasters, emergency relief, recovery and reconstruction. Nowaday, the governments treat NGOs as their indispensable partners in the efforts of disaster rescue and relief. Humanitarian relief is different from social working network. The former must within a short period mobilize resources to meet unpredictable yet huge amount of need. The objective of humanitarian relief is to provide the people who were adversely affected by the disasters with resources, however limited, to live with dignity and fairness. Therefore, NGOs doing humanitarian relief must prepare themselves not only in the training of rescue teams, securing adequate equipments so that they can respond promptly to disasters, but also be in command of substantial resource so as to meet the urgent need in emergency relief, recovery and reconstruction. The humanitarian organizations of Taiwan, whom undertake disaster relief in Taiwan and oversea, obtain funding almost 100% from the private sector. Since the amount of fund raised in different disasters can be vastly different, to help rational allocation of limited yet valuable resources in disaster relief, the author has made efforts to collect data from 15 disaster-fund-raising events since the 921 earthquake in 1999, and to analyse the factors that are relevant to the donors’ behavior. The author has also carried out analysis of the factors by in-depth case study and focus group interview. On the basis of such data, case study and interview, the author has identified 20 factors from such perspective as nature of disasters, donors, fund-raising organizers, social-economic- political situation, etc. This paper also enumerates a number of important characteristics of fund-raising in major disasters. To conclude, the author likes to point out that the sum total of resources available to any disaster effort project is a constant. Therefore, all players in any major disaster relief project, including the organizers, the media, the government and others, must carefully use the resources and to achieve maximum utility of the resource for the benefits of those who are in need, to recover and to re-live from the disaster. Such an observation is meaningful because humanitarian relief is a serious subject and donation is not merely an act of impulse, it is also an act of “love”. Therefore, we must carefully explore the relevant factors that contribute to the donors’ behaviors. Only by so doing, we can structure a better environment under which fund-raising motivated by “love” can be truly successful and meaningful use of such resources to the maximum benefit of the people affected by the disasters be assured.

後冷戰時期非洲地區依然存在族群衝突問題，其原因來自於族群地位不平等，以致族群間無法融合。非洲國家若無法建立起「國家利益優先於族群利益」概念，並壓制「部落主義」情緒，則國家內部可能因族群爭權，而陷入長期動亂當中。盧安達種族屠殺及蘇丹內戰和達佛問題等，均係後冷戰時期非洲族群衝突的重要個案，本論文將加以深入研究。國際社會自美國於1993年出兵索馬利亞任務失敗後，對非洲動亂抱持冷漠態度，故造成1994年盧安達種族屠殺慘劇。自此之後，國際社會積極採取有效途徑，解決非洲地區動亂問題，而2004年國際社會積極處理蘇丹達佛衝突，即在避免重蹈盧安達事件的覆轍。本論文將透過後冷戰時期非洲族群衝突個案探討，從中找出非洲族群衝突的根源、影響族群衝突的內外部原因及國際社會介入處理的成效。

古今中外，河川的多重樣貌皆忠實地記錄都市發展變遷，爰此，河川發展與都市規劃密不可分，而結合都市河川整治的水岸發展是一個都市過度成長之再生途徑，而水岸發展之成敗繫於河川保育之良窳。以往圍堵河川之水泥思維，不僅切斷河川生物棲息地，更埋下自然反撲之遠因；然而缺乏當地民意考量之重大公共工程建設，往往侷限於單一目標之達成，忽略當地河川生態紋理與民眾需求等整體考量方向。近年來，都市居民對於生活品質要求提高，民眾參與理念成為落實都市空間改造的重點，以地方性非政府組織形式加入參與式規劃，係屬未來進行干擾自然、人文環境等重大公共工程建設計畫進行時需考量之必然趨勢。 爰此，本研究為建立民眾參與河川保育決策模式，推動自然水岸之都市規劃方向。於重大公共建設危害地方生態與生活之際，以「台北都會區環河快速道路台北縣側建設計畫」永和段之居民抗爭為研究個案，探討民眾透過組織參與、影響決策模式之目的，分別以文獻回顧法、案例比較法及深度訪談法等研究方法進行分析、歸納與整理，進而提出以地方性非政府組織參與公共事務決策之模式運作，作為政府採納民意於計畫之際可採用途徑之參考，並提供相關建議作為法令與配套之修正與努力方向。 基於上述，藉由檢視民眾參與抗爭公共政策事件中之背景脈絡與行動策略，本研究所得出之結果為： 1. 地方性非政府組織得以突破集體行動邏輯困境之原因，係以人數稀少的組織成員與攸關切身利益之房價漲跌等誘因，共同克服因公共財而生搭便車之河川保育及重大計畫決策的參與經驗。 2. 由於考慮自然生態保育及其維護係屬十分長遠的尺度，故現今公共決策的衡量過程中仍未能兼顧「開發」與「保育」，而河川生態保育仍為政策考量上之相對弱勢。 3. 基於參與理論提出之參與主體、時機與策略三個要素，影響地方民眾團體參與決策模式及其成效之重要因素包括組織中的菁英核心領導、公部門回應態度積極、理性策略運作、非政府組織主導及操作媒體。 / Throughout the history of urban development, various images of rivers honestly depict its transition. As a result, river development and urban planning are closely related. Waterfront development combining urban planning with river straightening is a way to regenerate an urban environment. Besides, the key to successful waterfront development is river conservation. In the past, urban construction not only destroys aquatic habitats, but also sacrifices the amenity of inhabitants along the riverbank. However, huge public engineering construction without considering local inhabitants’ opinions usually focuses on one single objective and neglect ecological resources of the river and inhabitants’ demand for living by the riverbank. Nowadays, urban inhabitants have become highly aware of the demand for quality of life. To improve urban environment, the concept of public participation has become a crucial and imperative measure In other words, urban planning with public participation is an inevitable element when it comes to public engineering construction plan. Therefore, this thesis focuses on the participation of the residents of Yongho area. Yongho area is a part of Taipei metropolis, where the government originally planned to build a riverside viaduct along Hsintein River. The reason why Yongho residents oppose to this decision is that this riverside viaduct is nine stories high, which could gravely destroy the skyline of the riverbank area. This may lead to a series of undesirable results that impact on the living quality of Yongho residents. Therefore, they set up a local NGO to protest against this decision. In view of this opposition, this thesis tried to set up a feasible mechanism of public participation for river conservation policy and to build a natural waterfront city model. The study incorporates discussions of the interactive relations between Yongho residents and local authorities as well as the residents’ strategies to participate the policy decision-making. Consequently, by examining the social context and game plans within a series of public protest events, this thesis has obtained the following conclusions. 1. Local NGO overcame the dilemma of free-rider in the logic of collective action with small group and a windfall in real estate prices. 2. Public policy-makers still cannot consider development and conservation simultaneously when making policy decision. 3. Three elements, participative subject, timing and strategies, highly affect the efficiency of public participation. These elements include brilliant leadership, active response in the public sector, rational strategies, domination of Non-Governmental Organization, and media manipulation.